A dance with the devil Essay Example for Free

A dance with the devil Essay When I was a little girl, my grandmother would always tell me stories. Some of her stories were for the purpose of scaring me. I don’t mean just to frighten me, but to actually scare me out of doing bad things. This is because, of course, my grandmother didn’t want anything to happen to her little kids. One of her stories was: when she was a young girl her mother didn’t let her go out, but she still went out. As she was heading to the party the devil stood in her way, and who knows what extra details my grandmother added. There was one story though that she swore was true and very close to home. The year was 1975†¦ there was a young woman who lived in San Antonio, Texas. She was a shy kind of girl, a homebody so to speak. Her friends were the ones known to go out every weekend dancing, but she was different. So one night, her friends pressured her to go out. She wasn’t really up for it. She had a bad feeling about it actually. Nonetheless she still got all dressed up and went out. Once she got to El Camaroncito Night Club, she felt out of place. Her friends were off dancing with partners they had found. This was while she was left off on the side like a wallflower. See more: Homeless satire essay There was a turning point in the night though. It was the moment that a young handsome man walked. He automatically grabbed every women’s attention. He was dressed in all white, and was a brilliant dancer. He wooed many of the ladies in the room, while the young lady stared in astonishment. Mid song he caught the young woman staring at him. Their eyes locked as he slowly approached her through the crowd. He asked her to dance and off they went. Together they danced so gracefully, it was as if they were floating in the air. Inevitably everyone stared at them. They gathered in a circle around them, hypnotized by their dance. Time seemed to have slowed down, but the music was as loud as ever. The handsome man grabbed her by the waist and pulled her closer. Together they spun and spun. At this point, the young girl was finally glad she went out. She was having fun, with a handsome man. But little did she know of what was to occur. As they spun into the center of the dance floor, they spun faster and faster. It looked as if they were losing control. Now everyone really looked directly at them. They began to levitate into the air and it was as if there was a spotlight on them. They both were in the air now slowly spinning now. He was now smiling while she looked unconscious, her head pulled back. The man’s shoes had disappeared and in their place was a chicken foot and a hoof as his feet. The sign of the devil. Woman began screaming in horror as everyone began to evacuate. There was no time, the lights went out. As the lights came on the woman laid there on the floor motionless, she was dead. And the man had entirely vanished. Only a strong smell of sulfur remained, which is the smell of the devil. He was never to be seen again. The police were called but could not do anything. That is where the story ends. When I was a young girl this story scared me so much, but now it fascinates me. I don’t know if it really is true or not, but I don’t mind. I will say this though, I looked it up online and there were many articles on this story. Some details vary but for the most part they are all exactly the same story. It is up to you now to decide whether you believe this or not†¦

Countries seeking to be admitted to the EU community Essay Example for Free

Countries seeking to be admitted to the EU community Essay The countries the have been recognized as accession candidates include Croatia, Macedonia and Turkey. They have all applied for the accession and their applications have been principally accepted. All these countries have already started or will in due course begin the process of accession by adopting the European Union law which will bring to the same level as other member states. Macedonia and Croatia applied for EU membership recently, these two states originated from the former Republic of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, Turkey has been a candidate for accession for several years; it formally applied for the accession in the year 1987 and only became a candidate in 1999. the delay have been caused by the complicated nature of making Turkey at par with the standards of EU and also as a result of the political concerns that surrounds Turkey thus making the conclusion of its accession difficult. However, none of these countries is yet to gain membership as they are all in the process of the negotiations (Mauro, 2006). Croatia applied to be a member of EU membership in 2003; the commission of the union has already recommended it and is thus Croatia is now officially a candidate. The status Croatia as an accession candidate was granted by the council of the union in 2004. The early negotiations were set to kick off in early 2005 but were delayed until late in the same year. After the negotiations finally started in October, the screening process of thirty three aquis chapters with the state was eventually completed in October of the following year (Mauro, 2006). After the state of Croatia has fully recovered from its breakup from the Yugoslavia, it has very high hopes of becoming a second state of the Yugoslavia to be accepted as a member to of the EU community. The market economy of the state of Croatia is stable; it in fact, has far many superior statistical indicators as compared to Romania and Bulgaria which joined the EU in 2007. Close to the end of 2005 the officials of EU predicted that Croatia accession is expected to occur as early as 2010 but can delay up to 2012. The conclusion of all the aquis communautaire chapters is likely to take place in 2009 while the accession treaty is likely to be signed in 2010. Before negations with the state of Croatia started, the aquis was split into thirty five chapters which were four more than the usual number of thirty one. The chapters which were new were formerly included in the policy of agriculture, which is an area that is expected to be quite troublesome as it was the case with other such applicants (Mauro, 2006). Macedonia just like Croatia originated from Yugoslavia; the state of Macedonia applied for EU membership in 2004. In the following year the commission of the EU recommended Macedonia to the council for it to become a candidate of accession. The leaders of the European Union accepted the commission’s recommendation which finally made the state of Macedonia to become an accession candidate officially. However, there has been no date which has been mentioned to start off the negotiation process. Peace in the country is observed although there are ethnic tensions which are still underlying in the country. The ethnic tensions in Macedonia are as a result of the Albanians, who after the Ohrid Accords were implemented became more autonomous. But despite the political challenges facing the state, the council of the European Union congratulated and welcomed the achievements so far attained by the state in implementing a number of agreements and reforms. As a result the European Union recognizes the nation as a republic that broke away from Yugoslavia, and in fact, this is the major denotation by which EU may hold any fruitful negotiations with the country. This issue’s resolution, in fact, became an accession precondition for Macedonia. However, it might take more time before Macedonia is accepted by EU since the state has numerous problems in achieving the standards required by EU such as sound economy and respect for the rule of law. There are also incidences of irregularities and violence especially in the recent parliamentary elections which were held in 2008, this particular event cast a lot of doubts on Macedonians candidacy (Roney, Budd, 1998). In the recent past, the status of Turkey in respect to joining the European Union has become an issue of chief significance and substantial controversy. Turkey is among the founding states of the Europe Council and the country has since 1964 been an associate member of EU. Turkey applied for EU full membership in 1987 and it took twelve years for the EU commission to recognize the candidacy of Turkey, it was recognized as a candidate in 1999 during the Helsinki Summit. After the 2004 summit which was held at Brussels the council of EU formally announced that the negotiations for membership with the country of Turkey were to be opened in 2005. The process of screening started in the same year and was completed in the following year (Arikan, 2003). The country of Turkey is recognized as a developed nation, its economy is the 7th largest among the members of the Europe Council, while in the world, the economy of Turkey is ranked at position fifteen. This has made the Turkey’s proponents for EU membership to argue that the country is a chief economic power in the region which also supported by the fact that it has the 2nd largest force of military in NATO. These are very important factors in enhancing the position of EU as a geo strategic global player, considering the geographic location of Turkey, its political stability, economic power together with its cultural and historic connection in the region which is endowed with a lot of natural resources its accession can be of much significance to the entire EU community. The proponents of Turkey also argue that the country abides to nearly all the conditions set by the EU for accession, they in fact, hold a firm position that it is unfair for EU to continue refusing the accession of Turkey arguing that its candidacy has been open for more than four decades. Turkey has also made a lot of reforms in respect for the rule of law and respect for the human rights, in order to satisfy the accession conditions (Arikan, 2003). However, there are countries such as Germany and France that are still opposed to the accession of Turkey. They argue that Turkey fails to respect the main principles expected in any democracy that is liberal such as expression freedom. In addition, Turkey laws which are potentially repressive such as Article three hundred and one. Both France and Germany further argue that the Turkish army plays a major role in the country’s administrative foreground. Another major issue about Turkey’s accession into EU is due to the fact that it still occupies the Cyprus Island, which since 2004 became a member of the EU. Turkey has more than forty thousand troops in the island since 1974 and continues to be acquainted with the fact that Cyprus has authority over the island. It is not clear when the accession of Turkey will take place since some members are opposed to the country’s accession while others are of the idea (Arikan, 2003).

Are Muslim Communities Affected By Counter Terrorism Legislation Criminology Essay

Are Muslim Communities Affected By Counter Terrorism Legislation Criminology Essay This paper looks to critically evaluate whether Muslim communities have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation in the UK as part of a literature review in serving to prepare for a much larger piece of work. This work consists of considering whether these community members have been effectively radicalised leading to extremism either within the local community or in the UK at large. It is also necessary to evaluate the way in which views in this regard that have been put forward by academics have developed as a result of the laws that have been implemented to date in the UK. Muslim; Counter-Terrorism; Legislation Critically evaluate whether Muslin Communities have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation In seeking to critically evaluate whether Muslim communities have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation in the United Kingdom (UK), it is necessary for this literature review to consider whether these community members have been effectively radicalised leading to extremism either within the local community or in the society at large. Moreover, there is also a need to examine as to how security agencies approaches are implemented and applied and consider new methods that will serve to impact upon professional practice in relation to the legislation that has been enacted both in the UK and at the international level. In addition, it will also be recognised as to how this has led to claims from within Muslim communities that the tactics currently used by the police are heavy handed and, as a result, counter-productive. Finally, this literature review will conclude with a summary of the key points derived from this discussion in relation to as to whether and how Muslim communiti es have been affected by counter-terrorism legislation enacted both in the UK and internationally. With a view to assessing whether Muslim Communities have been affected by the introduction of counter-terrorism legislation, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 7/7 in the UK and 9/11 in the US New Terror discourse, the prevention of violent extremism has become one of the most significant issues for policy makers throughout the western world and, for the purposes of this discussion, the UK. In what is clearly a significantly heightened security context, Muslim communities have become an enhanced focal point for the UK with a multi-layered, multi-agency approach (Home Office, 2008). Currently there are at least 2 million Muslims resident in the UK making the Islamic faith the largest outside of Christians with almost half actually having been born in the UK (Bunglawala, Halstead, Malik Spalek, 2004), but the community is becoming more diverse with over 50 nationalities represented and 70 languages spoken (Khan, 2004). However, Muslim communities constitute some of the most deprived in the UK with almost a third of those able to work having no qualifications so that, as a result, many children experience high levels of risk associated with child poverty (Bunglawala, Halstead, Malik Spalek, 2004) because adults are three times more likely to be unemployed than Christians (Yunas Samad Sen, 2007). Nevertheless, such policy developments are illustrative of the apparent need to develop and support strategies based upon the maxim of counter-terrorism that communities defeat terrorism (Briggs, Fieschi Lownsbrough, 2006). But although counter-terrorism policies have been dominated by hard-sided strategies involving surveillance, the gathering of intelligence, the use of informants and the implementation of anti-terror laws under the Pursue strand of the governments CONTEST (and CONTEST Two) counter-terrorism strategy (Her Majestys Government, 2006), the ascendancy of a community centred notion of counter-terrorism has seen greater prominence given to an agenda based upon being able to Prevent terrorism (Home Office, 2008). In view of this shift towards interaction and engagement with citizens, policy makers within the UK government have placed the police and other enforcement authorities at the forefront of this work regarding the need to look to follow a strategy based on the nee d to Pursue terrorists along with the need to Prevent terrorism whereby the police are working with Muslim communities in order to help prevent violent extremism (Lowe Innes, 2008). The implementation of New Terror discourses in the UK are founded upon the recognition and construction of Muslim minorities as being comprised of communities at risk from violent extremism. In particular young Muslim men constitute a problem group and are recognised as being the predominant targets of anti-terrorist legislation and counter-terrorism surveillance policing in countries including the UK (Poynting Mason, 2006). With this in mind, the following issues were raised by participants in an effort to more effectively explain the negative impact of discourse and practice (a) Hard policing including increased stop and search, high profile raids, and the perception of an increase in aggressive attempts at recruiting informers to then lead to a greater sense of grievance amongst Muslims so they are perceived as suspect communities; (b) suspicion is detrimental to both an individual and their familys life since they may suffer job losses, family and community breakdowns, as well as mental health issues; (c) individuals have argue their experience of anti-terror laws has reduced their motivation to look to engage with state authorities with a view to improving relations; and (d) individuals feel pressurised to explain their Muslim identities in relation to the concept of Britishness (University of Birmingham/Arts Humanities Research Council, 2008). Under sections 62 and 63 of the Terrorism Act 2000 (along with section 17 of the Terrorism Act 2006) the UK appears to have asserted universal jurisdiction over a whole array of terrorist offences meaning anyone who commits any of these offences anywhere in the world so as to impact in some way upon the UK will fall within UK authorities jurisdiction (Sibbel, 2006-2007). In addition, under the Anti Terrorism, Crime Security Act 2001, a religiously aggravated element to crime has been introduced, which involves imposing higher penalties upon offenders who are motivated by religious hatred. On this basis, Islamophobia has become a significant issue for individuals and even whole communities living in the UK with instances including (a) being verbally and physically abused; (b) being threatened; (c) being physically assaulted; and (d) having homes or cars firebombed or attacked with acid. The problem is the reporting of actions that may be considered tantamount to Islamophobia is rare since it is considered the norm rather than the exception for both individuals and whole communities because they do not want to create a fuss around their experiences (University of Birmingham/Arts Humanities Research Council, 2008). A survey by several Muslim groups found that since 9/11, 80% of Muslim respondents reported being subjected to some form of Islamophobia, whilst 68% felt they had been perceived and treated differently and 32% reported being subjected to discrimination (Forum Against Islam phobia Racism, Al-Khoei Foundation the Muslim College, 2004). Some have also argued young Muslim men suffer disproportionately as the new folk devils of popular and media imagination (Alexander, 2000). More generally, however, it is also to be appreciated that a whole succession of opinion polls have shown many Muslims are uncomfortable with life in the UK (Pew Global Attitudes Project, 2006). In addition, there is an ongoing and concerted campaign against Islamism by a coalition of both left and right that have criticised the UK government for what they call a policy of appeasement. Martin Bright of the New Statesman claimed these organisations were engaged in a sophisticated strategy of implanting Islamist ideo logy among young Muslims in Western Europe (Bright, 2007). But, although the reality is that Islamism is not inherently violent, these nuances are rarely acknowledged and casual links are made between these groups and more specific concerns about violent extremism. Further concerns have then arisen from the fact there are some substantial concerns the definition of terrorism under the terms of the Terrorism Act 2000 (now Terrorism Act 2006) is too vague and excessively broad. The main reason for this is that the Terrorism Act 2000 served to criminalise not only those activities that are generally accepted to be terrorist in nature, but also lawful gatherings and demonstrations amongst other matters along with other forms of behaviour that, although unlawful, could not be considered terrorism (Submission to International Court of Justice Panel of Eminent Jurists on Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism Human Rights, 2006). Section 1(1) of the Act served to define terrorism as being based on the use or threat of action where (a) the action falls within subsection (2); (b) the use or threat is designed to influence the government, an international organisation or to intimidate the public; and (c) the use or threat is made to advancing a political, religi ous or ideological agenda. Under section 1(2) of the Terrorism Act 2000 it has then been recognised that action under this subsection involves (a) serious violence; (b) serious property damage; (c) the endangerment of anothers life; (d) creates a serious risk to the health or safety of the public; or (e) is designed seriously to interfere with or seriously disrupt an electronic system. The problem with the overly broad nature of the anti-terror laws put in place is they serve to trigger executive powers that are very restrictive regarding the recognition of both individuals and communities human rights under the European Convention on Human Rights 1950 (enacted domestically under the Human Rights Act 1998) often with reduced judicial oversight. Therefore, the use of such executive powers should be confined to those circumstances when such severe restrictions can truly be deemed necessary so there is a need for the laws to be narrowly drafted and proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued protecting national security rather than ostracising whole communities (Submission to International Court of Justice Panel of Eminent Jurists on Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism Human Rights, 2006). As has already been alluded to within the remit of international human rights law, any legal measures that serve to restrict the exercising of individual and community rights need to be both narrowly drafted and proportionate to what is being pursued. With this in mind, the United Nations Human Rights Committee now regularly criticises the remit of individual States efforts in this regard in view of the the broad scope of their anti-terror laws particularly those that have been enhanced since 2001 (Submission to International Court of Justice Panel of Eminent Jurists on Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism Human Rights, 2006). By way of illustration, in 2005 the United Nations Human Rights Committee criticised what was understood by terrorism under Canadian law that includes very similar elements to the UK definition under section 1 of the Terrorism Act 2000 for being unnecessarily broad. As a result, the United Nations Human Rights Committee recommended The State party should adopt a more precise definition of terrorist offences, so as to ensure that individuals will not be targeted on political, religious or ideological grounds, in connection with measures of prevention, investigation and detention (Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee Canada, 2005, at paragraph 12). In addition, the United Nations Human Rights Committee has also made some significant similar criticisms of what is understood by the concept of terrorism under Norwegian (Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee Norway, 2006, at paragraph 9), Icelandic (Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee Iceland, 2005, at paragraph 10), and Bahraini law (Conclusions recommendations of the Committee against Torture Bahrain, 2005, at paragraph 6(i)) amongst others so there is clearly a need for a more precise definition in the UK to avoid similar problems. To conclude, it is clear that there has been a significant impact upon Muslim communities as a result of the implementation of counter-terrorism legislation in the UK. Such a view is largely founded upon the way in which Muslims are perceived within our society leading to instances of Islamophobia so that suspicion falls on a broad range of groups and individuals whose behaviour may on the surface appear dangerous or subversive. Clearly, there can be little doubt that it is incumbent upon government policy makers to look to act to maintain national security and prevent instances of terrorism. However, there is also a significant need to prevent the alienation of the Muslim community so that it is clearly important to engage in greater depth with these groups, understand the complexities of community politics, and come to a more nuanced understanding of political mobilisation now flourishing across large parts of Muslim communities in the UK. Therefore, it is arguable increased awaren ess of the rights of individual citizens and communities will, with some notable exceptions, offer the solution to radicalisation by providing vehicles for solving the deeply entrenched problems associated with deprivation suffered by many Muslims and challenge extremist rhetoric and build community resilience along with political integration.

Overcomming Obstacles in Kaffir Boy by Mark Mathebane :: Kaffir Boy Mark Mathebane

Overcomming Obstacles in Kaffir Boy    In the book Kaffir Boy by Mark Mathebane there are many obstacles that Mark the   protagonist has to overcome. The first of his problems was to get through school in his poor South African ghetto. The second was to achieve his goal and receive a tennis scholarship to an American college.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Mark’s father is one of the major antagonist, he was opposed anything to do with Mark getting an education in a school. He was a very traditional man and he didn’t like anything that had to do with the â€Å"white man†. He thought it was nonsense to get a whiteman’s education and he wouldn’t provide the money that was necessary to get Mark through school. Mark was helped through this situation by his Mother who was the person who wanted Mark so desperately to attend school. She decided to go against Mark’s Father and send Mark to school. She then had to get a job which was illegal for her to do so because she didn’t have the required pass from the South African government. With the little money that his mother made and some money that his grandmother gave him he was   able to pay for his schooling or at least some of it. He often was without the required materials like a school uniform and books. This then resulted in Mark being beaten at school. These beatings became so intense and often that Mark thought about dropping out of school. His Mother helped him decide that he should stay in school because she knew that an education was the only way out of their life of poverty. Through the support of Mark’s Mother and grandmother Mark found success in school. He almost always was ranked in the top of his class and received scholarships to continue on in school. At the end of Mark’s schooling he receives a job offering in South Africa for him to work as a   manger of the company, he decides to accept this job for the time being because his family needed the money to send his brothers and sisters to school. Mark end up successfully making it through school and ending up being one of the top in his class.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The second major conflict in the book was that Mark wanted to get a scholarship to an American college.

The BU Biolab Essay -- Disaster Management

The rapid pace of vaccine development convinces people that they are safe from the infectious diseases. Unfortunately, the anthrax outbreak in 2001, having killed five people, reveals the vulnerability of the public health, suggesting that further research on contagious epidemics should be developed abruptly. In response to this issue, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) granted Boston University a $128 million funding for the construction of a new leading facility known as the National Emerging Infectious Diseases Laboratory (NEIDL or BU Biolab), which would be sited on the Boston University Medical Campus, to battle against contagious ailments. Besides conducting research on infectious diseases, the BU Biolab will also perform research to prepare for bioterrorism (Le Duc). According to the Center for Disease Control, there are four levels of increasing of containment for research on infections ranging from Biosafety Levels 1 through 4 (BSL-1 to BSL-4) . While much of the research on epidemics is done in laboratories with BSL-2 to BSL-3, the BU Biolab, with the highest level of precaution, BSL-4, will conduct research on rare contagious epidemics including anthrax, ebola, and plague, which are usually life threatening. Even though the construction of the BU Biolab was completed in 2008, no research is being conducted since the legal approval from the local community is required for the BU Biolab to fully operate at the BSL-4 research. One of the reasons that keeps local residents from approving is the concern regarding security and safety. As the study of dangerous infections with unknown cure will be taking place at the BU Biolab, the fear of deadly pathogens leaking rises among the public. The ... ...ing millions of lives around the world. Think of the bioterrorism attack using anthrax in 2001 and how it jeopardized the safety and security of the community. What would protect the community from this disastrous attack in the future? Works Cited Cataneo, Emily. â€Å"Tensions High at BU BioLab Meeting.† NEIDL 6 Oct. 2010. Web. 25 Feb. 2012. Hernandez, Gabrielle. â€Å"BU Biosafety Lab Ignites Critiques.† Tufts Daily. 20 Oct. 2009. Web. 25 Feb. 2012. Keith, Jean Hennelly. â€Å"Leading Lab for Biosafety.† Bostonia Winter 2003-2004: 22-25. Web. 25 Feb. 2012. Landry, Lauren. â€Å"Mayor Menino Approves the BU Biolab: Ebola and the Plague Head to the South End.† Web. 25 Feb. 2012 Le Duc, James W., et al. â€Å"Framework for Leadership and Training of Biosafety Level 4 Laboratory Workers.† Emerging Infectious Diseases 14.11 (2008): 1685-1688. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.

A Comparison of Marxist and Functionalist Understanding of the Role of

A Comparison of Marxist and Functionalist Understanding of the Role of Education in Society Functionalist theories assume the different parts of a society each have their own role to play (their own "function"), and work together smoothly in order to form a harmonious whole (macro). The metaphor often used to describe functionalism is that it views society as a body, with the different socialisation agents —government, media, religion, the family, etc., and, of course, education—being like the different organs in a body, each contributing in a different way to keeping the entire body healthy. Functionalism assumes that the various institutions of a society always operate so as to support that society as it is. If they didn’t, the society would perish; therefore, functionalism believes, it’s safe to assume that they do in any society one may encounter, for otherwise the society would no longer be here for us to study. Functionalism is based on value consensus which provides stability and functional prerequisites. In Marxism it is based on capitalism. In capitalism, the minority class, the bourgeoisie or capitalist employers who own the means of production make their profits by exploiting the labour of the majority, the proletariat. As a result, work under capitalism is alienating, unsatisfying, poorly paid and something over which workers have no control over. This creates the potential for class conflict. The functions of education, in functionalisms perspective, for society as a whole are to meet the shared goals (value consensus) of society. Where as Marxists see education is based on class division and capitalis... ... the system helps the transmission of society’s value consensus; prepare the young for adult roles, the selection of young people in terms of talents and abilities for appropriate roles in adult life. The provision of knowledge, skills and training necessary for effective participation in the labour force. Which in essence is based a pun meritocracy, equal opportunities, sifting and sorting people in society, having the right skills for the job and value consensus. Where as in Marxism it has a huge impact on people with power ideologies. And creates feudalism which then initially leads to capitalism which in quintessence creates class conflict. The biggest difference over all is that Functionalism wants societies to be harmonically were in Marxism it could never be achieved if everything was to be equal.

5 Core Operational Strategies

Unit 3 PowerPoint ProjectIn chapter 6 you learned about the 5 core operational strategies (preventive patrol, routine incident response, emergency response, criminal investigation, problem solving) and 1 ancillary operational strategy (support services) that are employed by law enforcement agencies to fight and reduce crime. This week you are required to create a PowerPoint presentation that meets the following criteria:Summarize the five core operational strategies and the one ancillary operational strategy of law enforcement.Explain how these strategies are used by law enforcement agencies to achieve their crime fighting goals.Your PowerPoint presentation must consist of no fewer than six (6) slides (at least one slide per strategy). The title slide and references slide are not included in this total, and are also required.Please use the PowerPoint Template provided for you as a guide.One reason for this assignment is to help you become familiar with the PowerPoint program itself. If you have never used Microsoft PowerPoint don’t let it worry you.The PowerPoint Resources accessible below, will ease your mind and give you a head start on this project.You will have until the end of Unit 4 to complete your project. Submit your completed PowerPoint project to the dropbox by the end of Unit 4 in the basket titled Unit 3: PowerPoint Project Checklist for Unit 3 Assignment: PowerPoint PresentationCriteria: Ask yourself the following questions.Did you identify and describe the five core operational strategies and the one ancillary operational strategy of law enforcement?Did you explain how law enforcement agencies use these strategies to achieve their crime fighting goals?Is your content complete enough to address the topic and questions?Is there a logical flow to your ideas?Did you present the material in a clear and concise manner to provide easy readability?Did you prepare your project as a PowerPoint document?Did you label your file correctly?Did you check your document for grammar and spelling?Did your meet the presentation’s length requirement (6 slides minimum)?