My Sociological Imagination Essay

â€Å"The sociological Imagination is defined as the ability to understand the one’s own issues are not caused simply by one’s own beliefs or thoughts but by society and how it is structured.† (Mills, The Sociological Imagination, 1959). Therefore, one can never solve their problems until they understand that they cannot be solved simply on an individual level but must be addressed on the social level. It is the ability to see how society is structured and how things such as societal norms influence people into performing certain actions. It involves observing outcomes from a different perspective in order to understand what influenced those outcomes. Growing up in one’s environment is likely to play as a factor in the way they go about things in the life. People cannot change their environment so they sometimes have to change themselves in order to become to fit in with their societies or to become successful person. The sociological perspective better known as the sociological imagination helps individuals see through a broader scope of the society. Being a part of a general category like a working class youth or a student, you must learn how to view the world through by society. My agent of socialization belongs to my university and friends or peer who surrounded me recently because I believe the service-learning that we will be taking part in will help to expand our sociological imaginations. For myself, my parents are born into a certain environment and depending on how the utilized their sociological imagination, play a part in the environment we become a part of. As I’m coming from the working class family, there is an assumption that you have to go to the school or university for your social status or prestige of your life in my society. My parents always wanted more for me so they enlisted me in a catholic elementary and private high school in my county. So I saw how different I was compared to my other friend’s not in intelligence but in wisdoms. I knew that I was capable of doing more and becoming more because  not only I did I believe in myself, my parents did too. It’s correct because when you are in private high school or catholic school, you have to pay tuition fees and a lot of people do not have money to spare with it. Instead of having the latest pairs of sneakers or shoes and throwing big parties for every holiday and your birthday, w e can save some money for the future and my education. From being in my current university student’s life, my entire life that I learn so much not only academically, but that I do not have to settle for what our social class or social location places us. After my private high school in my country, I went to my fist college in the United States. I encountered the language barriers and a lot of cultural differences in my first six months of college life here. I also learned that no matter how good you do academically, you will always be stereotyped and looks at differently because you’re a minority who comes from different cultures in the society. The sociological imagination is a capacity, ability, and a quality of mind that allows an individual to understand and connect her or his life with the forces and dynamics that impact it. It is about not blaming others for what they do, it is about judging ourselves before we judge others and understand people as if we understand ourselves for example if a student comes late to class there could be many reasons behind this student being late; there could have been traffic or an accident on the way that made him or her come late to class, so we should not judge but understand. Although we should separate between personal trouble and public issue, for example a student could be coming to class late all the time because of his or her laziness this would be called a personal trouble but if all students are coming late to class than this is called a public issue, meaning there is something wrong with the class. Sociological imagination engages in, the minority status, gender, socioeconomic status and the family structure. Sociological imagination is a social fact and empathy; social fact is the idea, feeling, behavior of individuals. An example of social fact is when  the sun is rising, this is a social fact that we cannot change whether we like it or not it will still rise. There are many sociological issues in society; one of the issues learned in this course is the race and racism issue. Race and racism are two different issues race is a social constructed aspect of identity in all cultures, race is not biological it is powerful; it is what makes us who we are for example what we are born with like hair texture and skin color. Racism is an interlocking system of advantage based on race existing at individual and cultural symbolic. Racism comes from power, and culture. Racism happens when some social groups have more power over another social groups, but racism have changed even if it still exist it is not visible in which it is been described as dangerous or a hidden fact. Racism is racism that it can’t be better or worse in any country. Even though being born with a specific skin color is a cause of geographic conditions, in which where the person is born for example being born in a sunny place is different than being born in a place in which doesn’t have sun, so all humans are the same if we put skin color a side, also black people are born with more melanin in their skin and that protects them from getting cancer that’s why white skin colored people are more likely to get cancer than people with dark skin. So there are always advantages and disadvantages about what we have and what we don’t have. Society will always look at you twice before becoming a consideration for different things in an adult life. It takes a great deal of my social imagination to attend college. Not many people in my country feel like they are capable of going to college because of their general categories or social locations. College has always been a big thing in my family. My parents did not want me to settle for just any job that they wanted me to have a career and one that I enjoy. They want me to do well in the life so no only I can get out of the middle social class but I can also take them with me in my success. There is a limited amount of people in my immediate family who actually went to the college in here so going for me is a really big deal. I did not do really well in my past high school so that lead me to a selected few number of colleges to attend when I applied to school in  here. I ended up choosing some universities close to my home town for my first student’s life. I decide d to go to Webster Thailand campus because I did not want to branch to far away from my family. I know that if I continue to do good academically I can transfer to a college in the big city like Singapore and still be close to my family. The sociological imagination distinguishes between two very distinct ends of reality, the â€Å"private troubles† and the â€Å"public issues†. To understand social reality, private troubles must be examined in the context of the larger issue. For example, a child who doing poor school work may be suffering from a private trouble but that issue is part of a larger picture. Is his trouble coming from a larger social problem that is also affecting his community? Is his trouble something which is common among his peer group? All feelings and emotions are inter-related in order to understand one end of society you must understand the others. The sociological imagination, written by C. Wright Mills, is an insightful critique of the research taking place in sociology. Mills states that the sociological imagination is the quality of mind that allows one to understand â€Å"history and biography and the relations between the two within society† (p.6). It allows one to switch from one perspective to another allowing for a comprehensive view of the â€Å"socio-cultural system†. Mills stated some very valid points in this analysis. By defining troubles and issues, he points to each of the connections they have to each other. A good example is on Page 9, when Mills mentions marriage. He states that â€Å"inside a marriage a man and a woman may experience personal troubles, but when the divorce rate during the first four years of marriage is 250 out of 1000 attempt, this is an indication of a structural issue†. Education is a key into overcoming one social location or the class. Doing good academically we can branch into different fields in which we can utilize and expand our experiences. Our social class will no longer be a fallback because we can get different types of scholarships. Social perspective plays a major part in one’s decision to go to the college because people want more in life not just what they were given. They want  to learn more and they want to be more so getting a college education will get them there. People’s lives are shaped by society. They become accustomed to different things and try to stay in the trends in the society. One’s society plays a huge role in one’s personality and the way that they might live their lives. Social Stratification is regarded quite differently by the principle perspectives of sociology. Proponents of structural-functional analysis suggest that since social stratification exists in most state of the societies, a hierarchy must therefore be beneficial in helping to stabilize their existence. Talcott Parsons, an American sociologist, asserted that stability and social order are achieved by means of a universal value consensus. Functionalists assert that stratification exists solely to satisfy the functional per requisites necessary for a functional proficiency in any society. Conflict theorists consider the inaccessibility of resources and lack of social mobility n many stratified societies. They conclude, often working from the theories of Karl Marx, that stratification means that working class people are not likely to advance socioeconomically, while the wealthy may continue to exploit the proletariat generation after generation. Marx distinguished social classes by their connection to the means of production. Therefore the ruling class (the bourgeoisie) and the working class (the proletariat), identify their social positions by their relationship to the means of production. The maintenance of status quo is achieved by various methods of social control employed by the bourgeoisie in the course of many aspects of social life, such as through ideologies of submission promoted through the institution of religion. In the conclusion, my sociological imagination leads me to where I am today. I did not let other stereotypes about my social location and my social class play a part in my decision making process. I took a stand and decided to go to college to better not only for myself but for my family. The sociological imagination is an awareness of the relationship between an individual and wider society; a key element in this is the ability to view  one’s society as an outsider’s would. As being humans, we can’t let our social location determine our abilities. We must explore beyond what we are given and what we are told is right. Humans must defeat their ordinary life by not setting themselves up for limited expectations in the society and we should also try to exceed our or everyone else’s expectations in our life. REFERENCES Mills, C. Wright. 1959. The Sociological Imagination. New York; Oxford University Press. Web. Engels, Friedrich and Marx, Karl. 1998. Manifesto of the Communist Party. New York. Web 10 Sep, 2013. Web 10 Sep, 2013. C Wright Mills, (1959), The Sociological Imagination, reprinted (2000), Oxford University, chapters 1-3 and 7, pages 3–75 and 132-143. Schwalbe, Michael. 1956. The Sociologically examined life: pieces of the conversation. Collins, Patricia Hill. December 1986. Social Problems 33. Web.

Metamorphosis by Franz Kafka Essay

In the novella, The Metamorphosis by Franz Kafka, a story about a young man named Gregor who was alienated from his job, his humanity, his family and even his body. Gregor barely notices his metamorphosis into a bug; life remained the same for him. After the metamorphosis, Gregor feels completely alienated from his room and environment, a symbol of this was through him being unable to see the street through his window. The metamorphosis is a powerful indictment of alienation brought by the life of Gregor. Franz Kafka’s novella has a thematic concern on the effects of alienation caused by friends, colleagues, family and Gregor himself. First, we look at the people around Gregor, his colleagues, acquaintances and friends. The cook, she is filled with fear at the thought or sight of Gregor. Another is the maid, Anna who is not fearful of him but chooses to keep her distance and requests to be in the kitchen while the door is locked whenever she is not needed in the rest of the house. From the house keepers we can see that they try to stay away from Gregor, to alienate him from them, for reasons of fear. Another is the depth of response from Gregor’s Office Manager, he shows up at the Samsa house asumming the worst, that he has ran away with money from the job. When in fact, he displays fear and repulsion in the reaction of â€Å"Oh,† when he saw Gregor, he then leaves the house. What I have seen from these three characters they are not close to him. They either have a reaction of fear or disgust. They represent the type of people that naturally fear or look down on someone who is different, so they simp ly alienate what they see, Gregor. Secondly, we will look into the family’s reaction, which is different from those who do not know him; the alienation is on a deeper level. His mother is kindest to him, her initial reaction to seeing Gregor transform was fear,  however, over time her fears turns into worry. Gregor’s sister treats him the best because she is willing to bring him food, play the violin for him, and clean his room however; this changes in the end of the novella. Finally, Gregor’s father has not only fear towards him but hate as well. This is shown when he sees Gregor he assumes Gregor has done something wrong and looks to punish him, he looks down on Gregor. Another time was at Gregor’s death when his father said, â€Å"Thanks be to God.† As you can see, there are many different reactions from each family member, though; they do make assumptions all together as well. The Samsa family fears him, but unlike others, they have come to hate him for the burden he has caused them. His family alienates him for being different and come to look down at him because he has made their lives harder. Thirdly, before and after the metamorphosis, Gregor Alienated himself; prior to the metamorphosis, he did not have much of a social life; he buried himself in his work. Even after the metamorphosis, he still does things from a distance. When he discovers what happened to himself in the beginning of the novella, he did not call out for help, all he thought about what work. He continues to hide away from others and slipping beneath sheets or underneath the couch when someone enters the room. Gregor’s own fear and self-doubt alienated him. In conclusion, perhaps the greatest consequence of Gregor’s metamorphosis is the psychological distance between Gregor and with those around him. It has made him emotionally separate from his family member, humanity and even himself; he even refers to it as his â€Å"imprisonment.† Gregor had become totally isolated from everyone around him, including those people he cares for like Grete and his mother. Alienation is a key theme depicted in the life of Gregor. Franz Kafka’s novella has a thematic concern on the effects of alienation caused by friends, colleagues, family and Gregor himself. Bibliography The Metamorphosis Themes. (n.d.). Study Guides & Essay Editing. Retrieved November 4, 2013, from http://www.gradesaver.com/the-metamorphosis/study-guide/major-themes/ The Metamorphosis: Theme Analysis. (n.d.). Novelguide. Retrieved November 4, 2013, from http://www.novelguide.com/the-metamorphosis/theme-analysis Franz Kafka the Metamorphosis. (n.d.). by Wendy Brumback. Retrieved November 4, 2013, from http://www.humanities360.com/index.php/franz-kafka-the-metamorphosis-29368/ Eggenschwiler, David. â€Å"The Metamorphosis, Freud, and the Chains of Odysseus.† Modern Critical Views Franz Kafka. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea, 1986.199-219. Greenberg, Martin. â€Å"The Death of an Outcast.† Readings on The Metamorphosis. Ed. Hayley Mitchell Haugen. San Diego: Greenhaven, 2002. 62-73. Kafka, Franz. â€Å"The Metamorphosis.† Literature An Introduction to Fiction, Poetry, Drama and Writing. 10th ed. Ed. X.J. Kennedy and Dana Gioia. New York: Pearson,2007. 317-347.

Aging Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Aging - Research Paper Example Aging refers to the biological process of growing old and developing physical characteristics that are associated with old age (Oswald, Jopp, Rott & Wahl, 2011, p 239). Aging is a multidisciplinary phenomenon that encompasses studies from various fields such as biology, genetics, sociology and psychology. Aging can also refer to the individual’s change in roles and responsibilities such as roles towards the family and society. Another meaning of aging is the physical changes that reduce the efficiency of body organ systems such as heart, blood circulation system and lungs. This occurs due to decline in rate of cell replications as an individual gets older (Oswald, Jopp, Rott & Wahl, 2011, p 245). Gerontological nursing refers to the study of the aging processes as individuals progress from middle age to later life. Gerontology studies the mental, physical and social changes associated with older people and changes in social policies aimed at taking care of the aged population (Scheibe & Carstensen, 2010, p 143). Gerontology nursing applies to community nursing through integrating advanced knowledge and skills in delivering quality and safe health care to the aged in the community. The branch of nursing focuses on health screening, counseling, and crisis intervention in order to provide quality care to older people (Oswald, Jopp, Rott & Wahl, 2011, p 248). According to U.S Census Bureau statistics released in 2010, the country’s age composition changed greatly between 2000 and 2010. Individuals aged between 45 to 65 years increased by 31.5 percent and accounts for about 26.4 of the total population. The number of Americans aged 65 years and above numbered 40,267,984 in 2010 and represented almost 12.4percent of the total population (Oswald, Jopp, Rott & Wahl, 2011, p 248). Accordingly, the aged individuals increased by 15.3 percent or 5.4 million citizens since 2010. Surprisingly, there were 53, 364 people aged more than 100 years. Target goals of Healthy People 2010 aims at reducing tooth loss, ensuring the aged receive flu vaccine every year and ensuring 90 percent of adults aged 65 years and older receive pneumonia vaccine. Accordingly, the target goals aim at getting colorectal cancer screening at the age of 50 years and ensuring 70 percent of women receive a mammogram at the age of 40 years. The targets aim at preventing falling through ensuring the aged citizens have healthy bones, increasing leisure and ensuring the aged increase intake of fruits and vegetables (Scheibe & Carstensen, 2010, p 143). There are numerous community issues affecting the elderly population. One of the issues affecting elderly people is poverty since majorities of these individuals depend on social security benefits. Another issue affecting this group is high risk of chronic diseases such as cancer, diabetes and heart related diseases. The elderly also suffer from sensory impairments and poor oral health problems such as vision impairment, hear ing impairment and loss of tooth. Other issues include lack of adequate access to vaccinations, poor diet quality, inadequate physical activity, obesity, inadequate physical activity and cigarette smoking behaviors (Scheibe & Carstensen, 2010, p 144). Community nursing practices must offer quality and safe nursing care to the elderly through carrying out an assessment of nursing needs. The assessment phase must collect data about each elderly person, the disease symptoms, surrounding environment such as close family members, access to recreational facilities and income level of the elderly person (Wick, 2010, p 121).

Writing as a career choice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Writing as a career choice - Essay Example A writer’s work environment could be an office or just home. In fact, the Bureau of Labor and Statistics, BLS observes that two thirds of these professionals were self employed in 2012. To be a full-time writer, a college degree would be required. In the modern environment, proficiency in computers would be necessary not just for working, but also staying in touch with the writers’ community. Additionally, excellent writing skills would be beneficial. The outlook for writing career seems encouraging. As noted by BLS, the occupation pays a median annual wage of about $55,940 as was computed in May 2012. With a projection of 3% growth between 2012 and 2022, there would be increasing opportunities in the career. In fact, Varela observes that more companies increasingly appreciate the need for in-house content writers, hence greater prospects. However, there could also be increased competition with the world seeking for more writers due to the increased demand. Therefore, writing is a growing career. With the adoption of technology into the career, the future looks promising but also competitive at the same time. As such, equipping oneself with the requisite skills would make the resultant opportunities

Employee privacy rights in the workplace Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Employee privacy rights in the workplace - Essay Example Everyone likes to share his/her cozy attitude in a soft and settled way and this is understandable since privacy is pretty central to one’s own self. The various rights of the employees within the workplace definitely include privacy as a major tenet within it since the top management knows that if the subordinates, middle management and the lower management is not at ease (in terms of mind and heart) at the workplace, then it is pretty much impossible to extract the best possible work out of them and this is for sure that the efficiency levels will drop as a result of the same. In the case of females, privacy holds more bases since they require their own time and the much needed space when we compare them with the male colleagues. It is the duty of the management at the helm to provide all of these people the right to be private and share a moment or two in their own individual capacities. In fact it is the employee’s right to demand the very same since no one can force him/her to be open about each and everything. At the end of the day, this individual is doing a job for which he/she is being paid and it is not something that the individual has to do for the sake of punishment or castigation. The aspects which come under the employee privacy rights include the issues related with their personal details not getting leaked, their informal talks remaining undisclosed from the people who are not concerned with, in the first place and just about everything that has bearing on the employee’s personal self. Having said that, it is the utmost duty of each and every staff member to make sure that all employees are being treated in an equal manner and there is no malice whatsoever at the workplace. What this will do at the end is to bolster a sense of encouragement and confidence at the office place and thus the productivity levels would definitely become improved. All said and done, the employee privacy rights at the workplace are an issue that gets raised

Medical Model and Social Model of Health Assignment

Medical Model and Social Model of Health - Assignment Example This means every illness has another dimension, the dimension of perspective that deals with the ways that people explain and deal with illness and health. These perspectives may be unique, but the traditional medical model traditionally has tended to ignore these (Hart, 1985). In this assignment different such views from each school of thought will be dealt with backed by evidence from literature. It is hoped that the findings may be helpful in understanding of diseases from all angles so care delivery becomes more complete. Healthcare professionals work with patients in an established framework guided by medical and clinical insights. Obviously, this framework provides a narrow focus, although numerous people visit their care practitioners or clinicians daily for various reasons. The same is applicable for patients who are being treated in the hospitals as inpatients. Obviously, the reason for such care is illness. However, the question arises, is illness the only cause There are many reasons for which people deal with healthcare professionals, who are supposed to provide healthcare. ... It seems the medical model of care is placing extra attention to the medical part and the care part is gradually going into oblivion. Gradually mounting technological advances have indeed some role to play, but negligence about the existence of the social aspect of the care is also an important contributing factor. Many recent evidences suggest that "failing to effectively communicate about illness and treatment are the most frequent source of patient dissatisfaction" (Coulter 2002). Why does this discrepancy arise Research has now shown that there is a sociological aspect of health which plays a very prominent role in the patients. As an example, the issue of health beliefs can be considered. The patients' beliefs about health and disease have been implicated in health-related behaviours, uptake of health promotion and health education, perception of the symptoms, and in the patient-professional communications. In the medical model, beliefs were known to exert no significant effect, but they indeed can influence the experience of illness and even symptoms like pain. Acknowledgement of this fact from the social model may foster communication in the medical model, and a better understanding of the disease may lead to better outcome in medical treatments (St Claire et al., 1996). Mills (2000) has indicated that every time a patient and a care professional interact, the context would invariably be socially structured. Therefore, the personal experiences of these encounters must be understood within the frameworks of social and institutional relationships. Taking the case of coronary artery disease, it is now known that lifestyle associated risk factors play very important roles in genetically susceptible individuals. Cardiology practice is

Pharmacology Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Pharmacology - Assignment Example Potential issues in the system in which a mistake could be made includes staff not understanding the orders given. This could lead to patients being given the incorrect drugs, which could means disastrous effects to the health of the patient. This however can be prevented by an RN through double checking drugs that are of high alert through making independent calculations. Medications referred to as high-alert drugs are those that have a very high chance of causing disastrous effects on the patients when used in error. In addition, the RN could take their time off in between rechecking the calculations. This will give them time to relax and recheck the drugs when they are not fatigued to ensure they take the correct orders. There is a significant effect of food on drugs prescribed by health professionals to their patients. Food might have an effect on the extent and rate of absorption of the drugs particularly after oral administration (McLachlan & Ramzan, 2006). Being able to fully comprehend what kind of effect food has on different types of medicines helps health professionals be able to give patients the correct advice of whether to take the medicines with food or not. Generally, taking food together with medicine usually delays absorption of the drugs; nevertheless, the effect depends on the drug, the kind of food and its formulation. There are those drugs that come with strict guidelines of whether they should be taken with meals or not. Food especially that has high fat content usually slows down the emptying of the gastric, which might delay absorption of the drug. This means that if there is a delay of the drug going to the small intestine absorption into the systemic circulation becomes difficult. The effect food has is determined by the pharmacokinetic and physicochemical features of the drug (McLachlan & Ramzan, 2006). An example is the antiretroviral drug saquinavir, which is very poor in dissolving in water; therefore health professionals advice t heir patients to take it with food in order to allow enhancement of bile to dissolve it aiding absorption. Absorption of saquinavir works much better after having a heavy breakfast; taking it on an empty stomach could result to therapeutic failure. Food also has an effect of drug toxicity especially when they are mixed. For example, when it comes to blood pressure and MAO inhibitors drugs, taking them with chocolate or peanut butter could be disastrous (American heart organization, 2013). Other foods like grapefruit also interfere with certain prescription drugs and therefore should not be taken with drugs meant to lower blood pressure. This is because grapefruit juice can lead to an increase of the medicines in the body causing negative side effects. When it comes to timing of meals, there is also an effect especially when comes to foods containing dairy products. Dairy products contain calcium and minerals which when taken with some certain medicines reduce absorption into the blo od from the gut. Therefore, this can only be prevented by time spacing. Patients are advised to take dairy products an hour before or some two hours after taking the medication. Patient aged 42 years is suffering from high blood pressure and is put under blood pressure medication. The doctor has prescribed

Antisocial Behaviors Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Antisocial Behaviors - Essay Example or factors, which have contributed to the person’s behaviors; (4) the interventions that have been tried with the person in attempts to improve behaviors, including personal opinions on any programs, services the person should be involved with; (5) a comparison of similarities between the person profiled and a person with antisocial behaviors; and (6) comments on similarities or differences between the person profiled and what have been learned about people with antisocial behaviors. Individuals exposed to diverse scenarios and experiences react differently. There are a multitude of factors that influence the behavior of people. The ability to interact and socialize is dependent on external and internal factors which directly affect the individual’s perception and response to various stimuli. Some experiences could be both traumatic and ingrained in an individual’s memory causing an emergence of antisocial behaviors. This essay is hereby written to present a profile of an individual exhibiting antisocial and delinquent behavior. The personal, family and community background of the individual would be delved into with the aim of evaluating the factors which influenced the predilection for behaving antisocially. The individual’s name is Jorge, 46 years of age, married, currently experiencing chronic illness of various kinds. He admitted exhibiting antisocial behavior ever since he was on his elementary level in school. He fears rejection, is basically shy, does not enjoy interacting with others for social reasons except for compliance to academic requirements, he admits to having mood swings, and imposed a self recluse in his own room. He was an adopted child and the only child in the family. His mother, a university professor, works full time to support the family. His father does not have a regular job also due to chronic illness and an amputated leg. The family changed residences five times since his birth and likewise, transferred in five different

Free Trade Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Free Trade - Essay Example The development of free trade in the region is vital in the development of the three economies since most of the problems in the region such as human and drug trafficking affect all the countries. Most of the illegal immigrants setting in both the United States and Canada are Mexican nationals who enter such countries with the hopes of getting jobs. The rising level of unemployment in Mexico is a major cause of the immigration crisis in the region. Such immigrants take advantage of the weak immigration laws in both the United States and in Canada to settle in such territories thereby contributing to crime among other social vices in such territories. The adoption of free trade policy in the region would open the boundaries of the three countries to invest indiscriminately thereby promote the economic development in each country a feature that would curb the immigration menace in the region and contribute to the development of a peaceful and stable region with minimal cases of illegal immigrants. The labor costs in Mexico are lower than in the other two countries. Most American and Mexican companies therefore wish to develop their manufacturing plants in Mexico. However, the existing laws governing international trade in the region curtails such efforts. This curbs the economic development of Mexico while worsening the social challenges the other two developed economies face. Illegal immigrants cannot obtain any social security service in the United States a feature that compels such individuals to live in the streets peddling drugs and perpetuating other crimes and social vices such as robbery and prostitution. It thus becomes imperative that the concerned parties understand the essence of developing a free trade area in the region. An economy is a self-sustaining cycle in which the performance of an industry influences the outcome

Learning organization Essay Example for Free

Learning organization Essay Marquardt (2002, p. 211) presented 16 steps necessary to build a learning organization. A closer look at our organization revealed that there is still so much to learn and change. Using Marquardt’s metaphor, our organization is still in the caterpillar stage, â€Å"earthbound† and â€Å"nonlearning† (p. 235). The major challenge keeping our company in this status can be linked to only two things, attitude of employees and leadership style. Unfortunately, the 16 steps proposed by Marquardt boil down to these two things. Employees have negative view about change. They are not willing to leave their comfort zones, take risks or commit to transforming the company. They lack the motivation to educate, improve and develop themselves professionally. The old, tested way of doing things remains the norm. However, the more disturbing fact is the lack of effort from the leaders. Based on Marquardt’s discussion, the main effort for change should come from the top, from the leaders. Presently, the leadership style in the company does not cater to the needs of a learning organization. The organizational culture does not empower the empoyees to express their creativity or explore their potentials. In short, our organization is 16 steps away from transformation. Based on the guidelines, to effect change, the leaders need to recognize their role as the agents of change. According to Marquardt’s book, â€Å"The first step is for leadership to commit themselves to transforming the company into a learning organization† (p. 210). Before that could happen, leaders should first of all need to recognize the need to transform our caterpillar ways to that of a butterfly. This step corresponds to the creation of an organizational vision. The company needs a more dynamic, interesting, inspiring vision to keep both leaders and employees stimulated into transforming and improving the company as well as creating an environment for continious learning.

Why Radical Right Parties Struggle to Maintain Support

Why Radical Right Parties Struggle to Maintain Support Explaining the rapid decline in support for radical right parties in Western Europe Abstract The general trend amongst the radical right parties of Western Europe has been a steady increase of fortunes in elections to the national legislature. However, cases in France, Austria, Germany and the Netherlands have presented a phenomenon whereby the party haemorrhages their share of the vote soon after an electoral breakthrough. The aim of this work will be to highlight why (where it occurs) parties of the extreme right have struggled to maintain the consistent support of a large portion of the electorate and explain why this decline is more rapid than traditional mainstream parties. Introduction Background Amongst observers of Western European parties of the radical, or extreme, right there has been a general consensus that the last three decades have exhibited a trend of resurgent fortunes. Since the collapse in support and legitimacy for such parties in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War and the onset of the Cold War, they initially struggled to establish an electoral foothold in both the traditionally and newly democratic systems of Western Europe. Approaching the 21st Century, though, most countries in Western Europe witnessed an upturn in fortunes for the radical right, with many achieving the status of mass organised parties and becoming a persistent presence in national legislatures. Consequently, academic literature has tended to focus on the reasons behind this phenomenon, observers attempting to provide explanations behind the electoral performance of specific parties or an over-arching explanation of why radical right parties appear to be becoming increasingly p opular and successful in elections to national legislatures. This has provided several factors which are generally considered to be conducive towards the success of the radical right, such as: populist appeal; charismatic leadership; shifting debate in the political spectrum which creates a niche which the radical right alone can exploit; increasing salience of radical right issues; notably immigration and race relations; decline in voter confidence in the traditional democratic elites (including electoral effects of voter apathy); and increasing perception of mainstream party corruption; and inability to deliver on critical issues; and more. Taking the general theme of research in this area, then, one might assume that the fortunes of Western European radical right parties has on the whole been of increasing, or at least stable, electoral fortunes. Indeed, in researching for this paper, it has been noted that electoral results for radical right parties to national legislatures has in almost all Western European countries been improving over the last three decades. However, there are certain cases which present an interesting question regarding the futures of such parties and the continuance of this trend. This is the question of whether they are institutionally capable and stable enough to maintain support and legitimacy, as well as operate as a successful governing party once they have achieved significant success. Such success we might define as the institutionalisation of the party as a relatively permanent feature in national elections, with reasonable potential to participate in coalition negotiations or be a signif icant factor affecting the passing of bills and focus of debate in the national legislature and media. As mentioned, for many parties this is already a reality, or could realistically become one, but four cases suggest that once extreme right parties have reached a certain level of support, they encounter the same risks as many other institutionalised parties with regard to reversals in fortune. However, I will argue that many of the risks they face are unique to parties of the radical/extreme right, and hence why in the cases under study the decline in support has been so rapid. The cases under question regard when parties of the radical right experience a reversal of the general electoral trend, namely a decline in support. As mentioned, examples of this have been the exception rather than the rule, but are of significant interest because of the fact that radical right parties are still essentially niche parties. The cases investigated in this paper Austrias FPO, Frances Front National, Germanys Die Republikaner, and the Dutch parties of the radical right have all at some point experienced a significant downturn in electoral support in national elections. In 2002, the FPO slipped from 26.9% of the popular vote to just 10% after a tumultuous period in coalition with the OVP, and though experiencing a resurgence in fortunes, the party has suffered from Haiders split to form the BZO. In Germany, the Republikaner party went from being a party with European Parliament and Landtag seats and polling over half a million votes in federal elections by 1998, to a sp lintered and no longer apparently extremist party which has almost dropped off the electoral map in federal elections. The French Front National has been an ever-present and outspoken feature of French politics since Jean-Marie Le Pen burst onto the scene, but after the unexpected success in the 2002 presidential elections, they have been unable to maintain momentum, with numerous internal spats and a slide a results in 2007 Le Pens lowest result in presidential elections since 1981, and the National Assembly results more than halving. Finally, the Netherlands presents an interesting case, whereby several radical right parties have scored seats in general elections, yet so far all have swiftly collapsed, despite what might be argued is a fertile ground for the radical right as a force in Dutch politics. These cases stand out because of the unusually damaging decline in electoral fortunes, which buck the trend of established radical right party performance over the last three decades. Whilst there are examples of established radical right parties (i.e.: parties which have representation in the national legislature over several terms) which have suffered electoral setbacks (notably the Alleanza Nazionale in 2001, Norways Fremskrittspartiet in 1993), such declines in support have been relatively minor, and such parties have recovered from them swiftly. This paper seeks to provide some explanation as to why the reversal in electoral fortunes for the four parties under investigation here has been so rapid. Whilst there have been cases elsewhere in Western Europe of radical right parties suffering electoral setbacks, none have been so markedly significant as these, where the parties under examination have experienced declines in performance of at least 60% in elections to the national leg islature in the space of just two elections. In two cases the LPF and Republikaner this has been near a near terminal decline; in the case of the FPO, this was followed by a significant split from which they are only just recovering; and the FN are left at in a difficult position, particularly given the age of their ever-present leader Jean-Marie Le Pen. These results stand in stark contrast to the general story of radical right success in recent decades, where a decline in votes for an established party has been both relatively minor and recoverable from, the four parties under investigation have experienced what appear to be electoral nose-dives. Consequently an examination of the reasons why these four parties have suffered such unusually damaging results might help to produce interesting results concerning how the parties of the radical right operate as an electoral force and any unique challenges they face in consolidating themselves in the party systems of Western Europe. Previous research in this area As mentioned earlier, general research into the declining fortunes of the radical right has been relatively sparse and overwhelmed in comparison to the amount of research conducted into the reasons behind success for the radical right. Much of the general work into the radical right as a new phenomenon has provided useful grounds for research into decline, most notably Herbert Kitschelts The Radical Right in Western Europe (University of Michigan Press, 1995), which posited that the radical rights success in the late 20th century can to a large extent be explained by an electoral systems effect on voter choice. This seminal work has gone some way to explaining the differing levels of success exhibited by the radical right, offering a plausible reason why there appear to be significant limits to radical right success at a national level in mixed and majoritarian systems, such as the UK, Germany and Scandinavia, compared to systems which are more proportional or have lower thresholds for entry into legislatures. It is useful to take into account the effect of electoral systems, given that many individual and general studies suggest that successful radical right parties will often exhibit very similar traits with rega rd to leadership style, policy platforms and party organisation, and in particular the mobilisation of electoral coalitions on common policy issues; yet these similarities stand in contrast to electoral results which might vary greatly. Though Kitschelts theory as elucidated in The Radical Right is intended primarily to explain the conditions for radical right emergence and success, it has also been to some extent used to explain the converse why the radical right might experience a decline in success. However, the great weakness of Kitschelts study is that it is so concerned with explaining conditions for emergence. Numerous studies have gone to show that taking the converse of Kitschelts theory that electoral systems can explain reversals in success for radical right parties will not provide satisfactory explanations of the radical right phenomenon. Partly this is because the electoral systems model cannot account for reversals in success once a radical right party has become established. Indeed, if we take Kitschelts theory strictly, we might conclude that once a radical right party has established itself as a legitimate and vote-winning parliamentary party (i.e.: it has broken through the electoral thresholds and maintained representation for at least one subsequent election), then it is unlikely to fall back into a position whereby it retreats into permanent decline despite a permeable electoral system. Significant counter-examples to this notion exist, most notably the Dutch example, whereby the radical right has broken through electoral barriers to make relatively significant gains, only to suffer rapid and terminal decline, despite little change to the electoral system and the obvious salience of radical right politics amongst a stubborn group of extremist voters and significant group of protest voters. The issue is further complicated when we consider the effect of other actors in the electoral system. Two studies in 2005 (Veugelers and Magnan; Meguid) complimented an approach which showed how flawed an analysis of electoral systems can be when considering the reasons for a decline or restriction in the success for radical right parties. The Veugelers Magnan study sought to apply Kitschelts electoral systems theory, although the study was specifically aimed at analysing the conditions for far right strength. The significance here was that the study A.) suggested that the conditions for far right success were dependent to a significant extent upon the structure or restructuring of party competition; and B.) that an application of the electoral systems theory could not satisfactorily explain the (varying levels of) success for parties in France and Austria. Whilst Meguids studypaid little attention to electoral system features as a variable, it did present strong evidence that the a ttitudes of ‘mainstream parties towards niche (including radical right parties) is crucial to the electoral fortunes of a niche party at a general election a theory backed up by Art, who believed the differing levels of success experienced by the German and Austrian extreme right was primarily attributable to mainstream responses to their presence in the arty system. The structure of party competition is therefore of interest, as it provides the possibility of a significant external factor which might effect a decline in support for a radical right party. Individual studies have shown the significance of mainstream responses to radical right issues when it comes to electoral performance. Generally, there is a lot of divergence across countries with regard to cross-party adoption of and attitudes towards the policies and issues canvassed by the radical right. This is partly due to the nature of political discourse in each country, with what we might call ‘radical right grievances amongst voters and politicians alike rather diverse. Whilst the primary issues championed by the radical right tend to be common (foremost amongst which are immigration, race relations and anti-establishment platforms), the salience of these issues amongst voters varies significantly from country to country, and accommodation of such issues likewise. For instance, m ainstream responses to immigration and race issues in Germany are rather muted by mainstream fears of being accused of auslà ¤nderfeindlichkeit, despite it being a highly vocal issue at local level in contrast, there has been a marked shift in strategy amongst the French mainstream since the early 1990s to accommodate issues popularised by Le Pens outspoken rhetoric. Again, much of the general work on party system effects on the fortunes of the radical right has centred upon their emergence and the conditions for success, rather than failure. A general theme popularised by Ignazi (1992) was that the evolution of political discourse in post-industrial Western Europe to focus on neo-conservatism and neo-liberalism had opened up and legitimised dialogue concerning issues traditionally confined to the extreme right. Given that these same themes are to some extent still prevalent today, it might be suggested that any decline in fortunes for the radical right might be due to internal factors affecting radical right parties, rather than the result of further shifts in the political spectrum which havent been evidenced. However, Ignazis theory has become less popular recently, with studies such as Abedi (2002) suggesting that radical right parties are just as successful where ‘overcrowding of the centre is evident as when the centre parties open up (as Ignazi suggested) to allow possible entry. Further to this, no obvious correlation between a fall in support for the radical right and a change in the party system can be drawn. This is partly due to difficulties in producing a coherent model of the party system which analyses such a correlation, as well as because responses to the influence of a radical right party tend to be driven by particular or extraordinary events in the short term, rather than medium- and long-term shifts in discourse. Particularly evident are the cases of the LPF and FPO, whereby shifts to actually accommodate these parties in government by pragmatic coalition partners were immediately followed by a rapid decline in support, even though the overall terms of political debate did not significantly change over the period in question. This might lead us to agree with Abedi that any change in support for the radical right is largely unrelated to the degree of polarisation exhibited by the party system. We m ight subsequently take the view that a decline in support for a radical right party has an ambiguous relationship to restructuring of the party system. Given this we might look to the manner in which parties of the radical right garner support in the first place (excepting any influence from external actors such as those discussed above). Studies in this area have again tended to concern how the radical right achieves support in the first place. A recent example is Ivarsflatens (2008) study, which supports the theory that the only grievance mobilised by all radical right parties with any success is that of immigration. Importantly, this study suggests that radical right parties are just as effective when no particular grievance is mobilised (intentionally or not). This presents one of the more crucial issues that the radical right faces, namely how to deal with a voter base which tends to be split along three lines first, committed voters who are attracted to the partys general platform; second, voters who would normally vote otherwise, but are attracted because the issues touted by the party (in particular, immigration) suddenly b ecome more salient; and thirdly a protest vote from those voters who have become particularly disillusioned with mainstream parties(more on this later). The suggestion, consequently, is that it is not a change in policy or grievance issues which effects a drop in support for the radical right, but rather a partys response to changing perceptions of legitimacy and reliability as a legislative grouping. This is particularly important given that radical right parties so often emphasise themselves as anti-establishment, meaning they risk de-legitimisation if they acquire the labels of ‘corrupt and ‘ineffective which they hurl at mainstream parties. Having to contend with these issues, radical right parties have consequently developed rather unique party structures in order to respond effectively to voter issues. Of particular interest is common assertion that the radical right tend to be populist parties. For numerous reasons too extensive to list here, radical right parties have relied heavily on new media and the appeal of a charismatic and outspoken leadership. Due to their small size relative to mainstream parties, as well as the more transitory nature of their voter base, they have tended to rely heavily on alarmist campaigning, often gaining press coverage in excess of their size or real influence, in order to get heard and maximise their effect on party dialogue. This is a regularly observed strategy, even if it weakens or threatens solidarity and effectiveness in the party leadership. One key objective of such a technique is to widen and enhance their voter appeal, but in order to work successfully radical right parties have often had to ‘water downproposals, or at least simplify them in order to fulfil the need for soundbites and slick campaign material. Such campaigning, and a reliance on uniquely charismatic and authoritarian leadership (a common feature across the most successful radical right parties), is a factor common to most radical right parties, particularly those under study in this paper. Hypotheses Given the variety of factors affecting the establishment and growth of the radical right, it might be reasoned that there are numerous reasons behind the failings of radical right parties where they have occurred. Although external factors such as party system structure, electoral system and the nature of the electorate have been shown to have an effect on the performance of radical right parties, existing research suggests that this is most significant when a radical right party is emerging. However, I will seek to show that whilst these factors can be part of the reason for a decline in support for radical right parties, they are not necessarily primary causes. In particular, in the four cases under investigation, the hypothesis is that the external factors mentioned are not significant enough to explain why the decline in support for these parties was so rapid. The central question of this paper is why the radical right in the four countries under investigation have experienced such a substantial decline in voter share between elections, rather than a minimal drop or continuing to grow as has been the case with the radical right in other West European countries. A hypothesis based on external factors (party system and competition, media strategy, electoral system, voter issues, etc.) affecting the party is unlikely to be sufficient, as the variation in circumstances for the four parties under consideration means it would be difficult to derive a general cause for electoral demise, particularly given the highly unorthodox nature of the parties decline in comparison to the overall story of radical right success across Europe in the same period. A hypothesis based on internal factors (leadership, party strategy, etc.) alone is also insufficient, as it is difficult to envisage how the decline in votes scored on such a large scale can be the res ult of internal structural issues without a significant alteration in the external factors precipitating a decline. Comparing these cases to other Western European radical right parties which have not suffered a significant or permanent collapse in support, it is suggested that the successful parties have better managed a transition which allows them to present themselves as reliable governing parties which can (sustainably) fulfil the demands of voters in parliament or government, rather than just reliable vote-winning ­ parties which can win representation on limited issues at individual elections. The former is shown to be present in the case of parties such as Italys MSI/AN and Lega Nord, Switzerlands SVP, Norways Fremskrittspartiet, etc, all of which have avoided significant declines in vote-share despite changing conditions in the party system or electoral system. It is therefore expected that in the four cases under investigation the three most significant factors conducive to the plunge in electoral results are:- 1.) Leadership style. As mentioned, radical right parties tend to, without the ‘taming effect of coalition partners, be characterised by a populist style of campaigning, often focusing on specific political issues to fan voter sentiments and gain cross-cleavage support from the electorate. This often includes leaders who embody a highly pragmatic and charismatic leadership style. It is hypothesised that in our four cases this style of leadership makes it difficult for the party to the demands of government or maintain a stable coalition of support. 2.) Mainstream party responses to the radical right. Since the emergence of the ‘new radical right party family there has been a general move by radical right leaders towards legitimising their parties within political systems, and it is not controversial to suggest that this is a necessity for them to be perceived as legitimate by an electorate in order to break into a national legislature or into government, or by the parties they have to negotiate with in parliaments (for the passage of bills, formation of coalitions, etc.) in order to effectively influence policy. It is postulated that the reaction of mainstream parties to a breakthrough by the four parties under consideration inhibits the respective radical right partys ability to operate as a governing/policy influencing party, as well as inhibiting the ability of the initially large electoral coalition which gave them representation to support them in a consequent election. 3.) The social bases of electoral support. Given the heterogeneous nature of support for radical right parties at the polls, it is suggested that a significant portion of the vote for the parties under consideration at ‘breakthrough elections is mobilised on a temporary, rather than a permanent, basis. This could be for a variety of reasons issue salience, identification as a ‘radical right voter, legitimacy of the party. It is suggested, therefore, that the four parties under investigation have been unable to establish a stable and reliable basis of electoral support between parliaments, such that when factors (1) and or (2) come into play the party suffers from the departure of one or more groups of voters that are attracted to the party by temporary issues. Consequently the steep decline in vote share is a result of the inability of the party to consolidate their appeal to a broad enough group of voters to maintain their electoral momentum, resulting in only a small g roup of faithful voters turning out to prop up their poll numbers. Methods and Focus This paper will focus on the developments of four parties in the electoral periods relevant to the subject of enquiry. These are: the French Front National between the 2002 and 2007 presidential elections, and the 1997, 2002 and 2007 National Assembly elections; Austrias Freiheitliche Partei Osterreichs (FPO) between the 1999 and 2002 Parlament elections; Germanys Die Republikaner between the 1998 and 2002 Bundestag elections; and the cases of the Dutch radical right parties, concentrating on the electoral fortunes of the Lijst Pim Fortuyn between the 2002 and 2003 elections to the House of Representatives. In each of these cases the parties in question have gone from positions of relative strength to haemorrhaging votes, results which stand in contrast to results for radical right parties elsewhere across Western Europe. This paper will then focus on analysing whether the hypotheses listed above are true. This has been done by assessing academic papers which have analysed the conditions of the relevant parties in order to determine what, if any, consensus there is on the reasons behind these parties collapse in vote share, backing this up with media evidence where it is relevant. Additional to this, general research into the systematic effects determining what might cause a drop in votes for the radical right has been called upon in order to confirm the hypotheses, as well as potentially extrapolate the hypothesised causes for vote decline from external factors (such as changes in the party or electoral system, the strategies of rival parties, changes in issue salience, etc) in order to see if it can be confirmed. Throughout the investigation special attention will be given to several key themes which contribute the events surrounding the electoral defeats of the parties in question. These will include:- Party leadership All four parties under investigation have been generally considered by observers as exhibiting a populist style of political strategy. Three factors are worth considering here. First, how far this is important in allowing the party to generate votes at general elections; second, to what extent the party uses populist campaigning to gain influence on policy; and thirdly, how this affects the partys ability to respond to demands of government/the electorate (where relevant). Legitimacy of the party This does not concern whether or not the party is viewed as a legitimate, i.e.: not anti-system, party; rather, it concerns whether or not the party has a reputation for delivering on its promises, or can present candidates who are genuine and reliable enough for an electorate to support them. This is important in the sense that the partys chances of maintaining electoral momentum may be hampered by poor performance in government or in the legislative process in parliament. Competition in the party system How other (relevant) parties in the countrys party system respond to the challenges posed by the party of the radical right. Obviously there is a difficulty in assessing which responses by what parties actually have an affect on the performance of the radical right party. Consequently we will be looking for cases collaboration, cohabitation, or ostracisation by mainstream parties which have an observable effect on either the radical right partys electoral fortunes, or their ability to operate as a policy-influencing party (be it by governing or as a force in the legislature). Salient policy issues at elections Parties of the radical right have been noted to campaign on a breadth of issues, albeit often engaging more vocally with a specific issue in order to generate support, in contrast to mainstream parties (particularly those with ambitions of government) which are forced to campaign on a wide variety of issues affecting all voters. Consequently, it is of interest to observe whether the specific campaign and policy stances of the radical right parties at elections in any way effected (or possibly even mitigated) the decline in vote share. The social bases of support Radical right parties do not fit easily into a cleavage-based model of the party system, as they tend to draw their support from a wide variety of social backgrounds for numerous different reasons. It is of interest, therefore, from what groups did the party under investigation originally garner support in the election preceding the regression, and whether there was any observable change in the type or confidence of the groups who voted for the party by the time of their decline in the following election. Cases Studies Austria the Freiheitliche Partei Osterreichs (FPO) The FPO is possibly the most significant party to begin this investigation with, due to the fact that it is not only one of the longest established radical right parties, but also because it occupied government for far longer than any other under investigation here. Since Jà ¶rg Haider was elected leader of the party in 1986 it had experienced a remarkably sustainable rise in results, culminating in the earthquake success at the 1999 election where it became the second largest party with 26.9% of the vote. It is of note that the FPOs success has roughly correlated to the declining fortunes of the ‘Grand Coalition of SPO and OVP. Popular disenchantment with the Proporz system which had characterized Austrias two-party system came to a head in the 1999 elections when both parties opinion poll ratings slumped immediately prior to the election. The SPO/OVP coalition had not, by most standards, been particularly unsuccessful or hit by scandal, even benefitting from increasing opinion poll numbers thanks to Austrias presidency of the EU in the second half of 1998. Whilst the Social Democrats poll numbers remained remarkably stable (with only a minimal drop in 1999 compared to the OVP), the OVP had a much harder time, being unable to mitigate a general trend of decline that had continued since the 1991-95 Parlament. In particular, Mà ¼ller notes that the party had difficulty in producing a coordinated and effective campaign on election issues, compared to the aggressive campaigning of the SPO and FPO, the latter of whom was particularly successful at enlivening their campaign by recruiting celebrities such as Patrick Ortlieb and Theresia Kirler. The constitution of the vote for the FPO in the 1999 election is also interesting with regard to how it broke the OVP/SPO duopoly. The FPO had been remarkably successful at increasing turnout from voters of every background, suggesting the FPO was poaching voters from both the SPO and OVP. This is partly due to voter dissatisfaction with the continuation of the Grand Coalition still too tainted by Proporz, as well as the FPOs ability to play off Haiders recent election to the Governorship of Carinthia a success which greatly enhanced the FPOs credentials as a party of government. However, the core vote for the FPO remained blue collar (predominantly male) workers, largely (and perhaps disproportionately) drawn from former SPO-leaning voters, despite the SPO being generally seen to have been more successful than the OVP at limiting the drop in votes experienced as the 1995-9 coalition came to its end. (Though it should be noted that the FPO increasingly attracted a significant number of voters from right-leaning farmers and middle-class professionals unhappy with the OVPs commitment to the EU and perceived lack of leadership.) The FPO had also more than any other party managed to increase membership of the party, particularly amongst professionals and those exhibiting no ideological affinity for the party. Luther points out that as beneficial as this may have been for maximising turnout, the membership drive was set against a push by Haider to fill organisation posts within the party with individuals likely to be loyal to the party leadership (i.e.: Haider), including key figures such as Susanne Riess-Passer and Karl-Heinz Grasser. T

Pyrotechnics, The Art Of Fire :: essays research papers

Pyrotechnics is defined as the art of manufacturing or setting of fireworks. There are many different forms of pyrotechnics. Some consider fireworks dangerous, obnoxious bursts of noise; others consider them beautiful, artful displays of light. Either way you look at it, pyrotechnics is an interesting and dangerous hobby. Many colors and designs may be created by the placement of different compounds in distinct areas of the fireworks, either projectile or stationary ones. Some of the many different colors of the visible spectrum that can be easily recreated are; yellow, orange, red, green, and blue. The shades of yellow and orange can be easily recreated by the use of sodium or calcium chlorate. Red is easily attainable by the burning of SrCl. The burning of BaCl creates a very bright green. The burning of copper chlorate creates the blues. It would be extremely easy if we could just place these in the fireworks and have them work, however, the emitting molecules, especially SrCl and BaCl, are so reactive that they cannot be packed directly into a firework. To generate them, we need pyrotechnic compositions designed to generate the above molecules, to evaporate them into the flame and to keep them at as high temperature as possible to achieve maximum light output. To get good colors, there must be substantial amounts of emitters present in the flame. The emitters are not alone: in order to achieve the high temperature, a fuel - oxidizer system is also needed, as well as some additional ingredients. The colors of aerial fireworks come invariably from stars, small pellets of firework composition which contain all the necessary ingredients for generating colored light or other special effects. They may be as tiny as peas or as large as strawberries. A typical red star might contain Potassium perchlorate,   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  67% by weight Strontium carbonate  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  13.5% Pine root pitch (fuel)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  13.5% Rice starch (binder)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  6% In order to launch these beautiful displays into the sky, one must shoot them by means of a mortar or a rocket attached to the firework. To use a mortar, you must pack a propellant into the mortar and then place your firework inside. The subsequent explosion luanchs the mortar ball (your firework) into the sky, where it is free to explode in a 360 degree display of chemistry. Some fireworks are stationary, where all that is desired is a loud bang. Some of the best stationary fireworks are just straight, packed black powder in a small, sealed container (i.

Alzheimers Disease Essay -- Alzheimers Disease Essays

Alzheimer's Disease If we accept that the brain's ability to "fill in the blanks" about each experience we have, then we can conclude that our past is indeed partially our own brain's creature. However, there are still some norms created by people that define certain experiences as normal and others as not. What happens when a person starts to behave ab-normally? How is his/her brain filling the blanks in a different manner? To discuss this subject we would discuss the most common form of dementia among old people, the Alzheimer's disease. Dementia is a brain disorder, a loss of intellectual function (thinking, remembering, reasoning), which substantially affects a person's ability to carry out daily activities. Alzheimer's disease (AD), a form of progressive, irreversible dementia with no known cause or cure, first described in 1906 by Dr. Alois Alzheimer, causes damage to the parts of the brain that control thought, memory and language. The consequences of the disease in terms of the patient's lifestyle are often times confused with the natural syndromes of aging. However, AD is not a normal part of aging. The processes which occur in an AD patient are still extensively researched. Nerve cells in the regions controlling the above mentioned faculties are lost and certain neurotransmitters' performance is damaged. The two most affected types of brain cells by AD are neuritic plaques and neurofibrillary tangles. While some neuritic plaques are commonly found in brains of elderly people, they appear in excessive numbers in the cerebral cortex of Alzheimer patients. Neurofibrillary tangles are twisted remnants of a protein called tau, found inside brain cells and crucial for maintaining proper cell structur... ...involves destruction of brain cells as supposed to pure aging. This provokes the question of the extent to which yourself, everything you associate as being your personality, your memories, your knowledge, is vulnerable and how everything that defines a "self" could be destroyed. References 1) Alzheimer's Society information sheet http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/bb/neuro/neuro02/web3/www.alzheinmers.org.uk 2) About Alzheimer's Disease – Symptoms, Risk factors, etc. http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/bb/neuro/neuro02/web3/www.ahaf.org/alzdis 3) Alzheimer's Disease Fact Sheet. http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/bb/neuro/neuro02/web3/www.alzheimers.org/pubs 4) Alzheimer's Association http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/bb/neuro/neuro02/web3/www.alz.org 5) Neurology Forum http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/bb/neuro/neuro02/web3/www.neurologychannel.com/alzheimers<br>

The Importance of Improving Communication Skills in the Business World

My biggest challenge while trying to move up the corporate ladder is interpersonal communication with co-workers and presentation speeches in front of the owners and financial managers. During my childhood, I did not have the opportunity to communicate with my parents or examples of loud arguments and negative personal attacks. Humans develop language and social skills from its surroundings so I guess I can blame mine on my dysfunctional family. At least I did almost five years ago. When the Director of Finance promoted me to senior accountant, his only constructive criticism was to attend different communication courses to groom me for the Assistant Director of Finance position. The frustration of feeling misunderstood and being unable to make ourselves understood by another person is my a constant hurdle for me and considered a barrier of communication (anything that blocks the meaning of what is being said) that many humans experience. Great communication can be compared to the way we build our buildings, one brick at a time. The foundation of the house is trust and we develop trust with personal interaction not as a group. It is said that to speak effectively, a person should be open, direct and bold; however, that is what got me into these classes in the first place. The classes teach how to balance finesse and respect with boldness and direct communication. As mentioned earlier, constantly conquering and rising above the barrier of communication. To name some of the barriers that arise daily are stereotyping, language, showing approval or disapproval, and becoming defensive. In my opinion, stereotyping is the biggest obstacle amongst people. Stereoty pe is a label or typecast of another person based on an oversimplifie... ... is an important variable--if there were never any time pressures, collaboration might always be the best approach to use. In addition to time pressures, some of the most important factors to consider are issue importance, relationship importance, and relative power: †¢ â€Å"Issue importance - the extent to which important priorities, principles or values are involved in the conflict. †¢ Relationship importance - how important it is that you maintain a close, mutually supportive relationship with the other party. †¢ Relative power - how much power you have compared to how much power other party has. â€Å" (Whetten 2002) Finally, learning the importance of interpersonal communication and effectively utilizing it daily as part of my normal daily routine, the Assistant Director of Finance in a multimillion dollar hotel is mine, which has been my goal for the last five years

Food Politics

The ways in which the food system is failing us are numerous. It is failing some in quantity, while failing others in quality. The only members of the food system that are not being exploited are the corporate food producers, and that is because they are the exploiters in this equation. Just like the schoolyard that we are all familiar with, there are two groups on the food system playground; the bullied and the bullies. In comparison to the schoolyard example, the bullies are in the minority, consisting here of transnational corporations and other large organizations with one goal in mind: profit maximization.In the majority are the bullied, consisting of not only the lowly consumers such as you and I, but also small farms and even government organizations. While the present food system has many flaws that have led to this toxic playground relationship, there are solutions. We hope to clearly demonstrate where the food system is today, how this present food system is failing us, con nections to the Antony and Samuelson text, and lastly solutions. The term â€Å"food politics† refers to the political aspects of production, control, regulation, inspection, and distribution of food.Since biblical times, the government has played a dominant role in the production and control of food. The book of Genesis states: â€Å"the Egyptian pharaoh took 20 percent of all food production from his farmers as tax† (47:24). This demonstrates the regulatory role that the government has had in food production since the beginning of civilization. The key parties in food politics are consumers, farmers, food safety and quality regulators, retailers and the state. Today, customers demand affordable food, thus placing increased pressure on producers to mediate expenditures.There is enough food to feed the world, and there has been for many decades. In 2007, the Food and Agriculture Organization calculated that there is enough food to feed the world 1. 5x over (Holt-Gimene z and Patel 2009). While there is adequate food to end world hunger, the problem continues due to greed and unequal power distribution. International policies by the World Health Organization (WHO) have attempted to put an end to world hunger, but because the outcomes of these policies do not benefit the bottom lines of he state and of corporations, they are not supported (Paarlberg 2011). In our own backyard, the Canadian government has removed restrictions surrounding property ownership regulations, thus facilitating the redistribution of Canadian farmland. As far back as 1969, there were recommendations from the federal government to reduce the number of Canadian farmers by 50 to 65 percent, encouraging the movement toward a factory-farming model (Paarlberg, 2011). Factory farming is a model recognized for its increased efficiency and output in farming. This is when the quality of food diminishes.Low quality food is something every consumer encounters on a daily basis, however th e ability to make decisions surrounding food quality choices is greatly dependent on economic standing. Despite the want to purchase high quality food, this may not be financially feasible. Food imported and exported to Canada is inspected and regulated by the Canadian Food Inspection Agency, which is â€Å"internationally recognized for its standards and principles† (CFIA). There are two major issues facing the CFIA. Firstly, their standards and principals are comparable to those of the United States, the most obese nation on earth and not a worthy role model.Secondly, as of August 2011, meat inspection methods have moved to a two-tier system due to budget cuts. The CFIA cannot afford to regulate meat nationwide and as such have relegated provincial sales and slaughter to that specific level of government and with it the ability to enforce consistent countrywide standards. With common origins in the capitalist system the agro-food sector is arguably one of the most globalize d in the various spheres of economic activity. Corporations have already been identified as one of the largest players in the food system, with the majority of these businesses being Agri-Transnational Corporations (TNCs).This is following two decades of economic liberalization, allowing Agri-TNCs to develop enormously in size, power and influence. Bayer, Monsanto and DuPont are a few of the better-known agri-transnational corporations, the key players in this globalization and domination game (ETC Group 2008). In total, there are six large agro chemical manufacturers that â€Å"control nearly 75% of the global pesticide market, [and] are also seed industry giants. † thus creating an oligopoly (ETC Group 2008). A small collection of large companies produces the majority of goods, giving consumers the ability to choose the best of the worst.This allows the corporations belonging to the oligopoly to collaborate on price, both at a consumer and employee level, protecting their p rofit margins by continually oppressing the consumers and workers into either accepting the offered price, or receiving nothing. Farmers are often bound by lengthy contracts to buy farm inputs from, and sell a specified crop, to the same corporation. This translates into farmers being held at ransom at every step of production. They are exceedingly dependent on a â€Å"corporate package† while denying communities control over their own food and future.The package consists of high-cost inputs including synthetic fertilizers, chemical pesticides and unsustainable genetically modified seeds that do not germinate as easily, ensuring the continuous cycle of dependency. The push towards industrial, high-input agriculture is driving farmers into debt. They must take out loans in order to afford modified seeds, and more effective fertilizers and pesticides. The vast majority of food related TNCs share the same quality of holding global investments in the food industry and controlling much of how food is grown, processed, distributed and purchased.The aforementioned oligopoly creates a relationship of dependence. Both the consumers and employees are dependent on these TNCs on a daily basis. Because TNCs dominate the industry in these countries, and government regulation is lacking, the reserve army of labour is highly exploitable. If these workers are fired from the TNCs, there are few other employers with which to seek work. From a consumer perspective, most all of the products available in retail outlets are produced by these TNCs, with little choice of products from other companies. This market domination combined with the ollaboration between TNCs for price setting in a given market creates the perfect storm for these parties to be marginalized. As illustrated in Figure 1, ten companies own the majority of food products that we consume, but due to the fact that they have many subsidiaries – each with different branding- consumers have a false sense of choice. Industrial food and farming practices not only deny local communities and indigenous people control over their own water, forests, minerals, biodiversity, and land, but also devalues their local wisdom and knowledge of farming practices.This industrialization clearly abuses both the area around local citizens as well as the citizens themselves. While these parties, the majority of the population, are disadvantaged as our food system industrializes, corporations and governments benefit by way of increased profits and domination. Implications of this change are at the expense of depriving peasants and small food producers around the world of their basic human rights while limiting their existing livelihood, culture, health, and self-determination. A growing trend in recent years has been agro fuel production.We are seeing a partnership of multinationals such as BP global for the conversion of land to cash crop rather than subsistence production. Revisited again under the cont ract-growing model, Monsanto has created a situation in which farmers cannot produce food for sustenance, but rather they must employ monocropping. This increases dependency on purchased inputs and on foreign markets that communities have no say in, and therefore threatening local subsistence and food security. â€Å"Agro fuels, also referred to as biofuels, are fuels derived from food crops such as corn, soya, canola, sugar cane, and oil. (Martini and Shiva 2008). Massive deforestation in Brazil due to monocropping for agro fuels has caused the displacement of indigenous peoples and devastating effects on the climate. â€Å"The FAO argues [that] agro fuels account for 10% of food price rise, while the IMF and IFPRI claim 30%, and the World Bank estimated a contribution of between 65% and 75%. † (Chakraborrty and Phillips 2008). This information is essential when evaluating the impact that agro fuels have in Brazil and in many other countries and communities.In Ending Hunger in Our Lifetime, food security is defined as â€Å"access by all people at all times to enough food for an active healthy life† (Runge, Senauer, Pardey, and Rosegrant 2003:15). The World Health Organization (WHO) expands on this concept and presents the three pillars of food security: (1) Availability – having a consistent supply and sufficient quantity of food, (2) Accessibility – having the resources to ensure a nutritious diet, and (3) Food Use – appropriate use centered around having rudimentary knowledge of nutrition (Schanbacher 2010:12).When discussing food politics, a central issue is the imminent threat to food security. Food insecurity is encouraged by many potential risk factors including, but not limited to, globalization, population growth, trade policies, food aid, a loss of agricultural productivity, and the genetic modification of food. Thomas Malthus, an 18th century economist and author of â€Å"On the Principle of Population† wr ote that â€Å"food is necessary to the existence of man [and] that the passion between the sexes is necessary and will [never cease]. † (Malthus 1798).He then suggested that while population will continue to grow in a geometrical ratio (1,2,4,8, etc†¦), that land subsistence only grows in an arithmetic sequence (1,3,5,7, etc†¦) and is therefore unable to support the population, thus posing a threat to food security. The powerful forces within the food system oppose this Malthusian theory with the argument that the rate of population growth is slowing, which overall is true, but population growth continues to soar in the poorest countries; the countries where food insecurity is the biggest concern.Figure 2: Population Growth 1990-2100 PopulationIncrease (%) 1990202521001990-2100 Developing Countries4. 087. 0710. 20150 Developed Countries1. 211. 401. 5024 World5. 308. 4711. 70121 Source: United Nations 1993. Doha, Qatar. It aimed to promote trade liberalization as a means of rendering developing countries less vulnerable to food insecurity. The reduction of international trade protections and tariffs after the 1994 Uruguay Round led to the rapid transfer of products throughout the world, but not at an equal rate or proportion.When speaking on these imbalances, the Doha Declaration stated: We agree that special and differential treatment for developing countries shall be an integral part of all elements of the negotiations and shall be embodied in the schedules of concessions and commitments and as appropriate in the rules and disciplines to be negotiated, so as to be operationally effective and to enable developing countries to effectively take account of their development needs, including food security and rural development (WTO 2001).These imbalances were prevalent after the 2008 economic crisis as more developed, and thus powerful, countries were able to protect themselves from loss of profit through restrictive trade policies. By limiting i mports, which tend to come from developing nations, developed countries were able to mitigate damages. Take for example the differing trends in Asia and Africa present in Figure 3; In Asia, rates of undernourishment were stable post 2008, while they rose significantly in Africa (FAO 2011).As defined by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), food aid is â€Å" a response to address the dietary and nutritional needs of [vulnerable] populations, [to help] and enhance [their] livelihoods and become self-reliant, all essential for sustainable development. † (CIDA n. d. ). It is important to establish that food aid is not the answer to food security and that there are many biases that exist within its system. Amongst others, food aid has been criticized for being donor directed, promoting domestic interests, being driven by exporters, and that development is not the primary goal.This criticism has led some to refer to food aid as â€Å"food dumping† as the ine xpensive food being offered to poorer nations at highly subsidized prices undercuts the local farmers who cannot compete with these prices. They are then driven out of their jobs, which further slants the market in favour of large producers such as those from the US and Europe (Runge, Senauer, Pardey and Rosegrant 2003:125). The USA currently provides approximately 60% of all international food aid and its primary recipients are Peru, Haiti, India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Jordan, Egypt and the Philippines.Given their massive â€Å"donations†, many American agricultural lobby groups hoped food aid would lure recipients into dependence, and that when taken away, the beneficiaries would be forced to become paying customers. In an attempt to avoid entering into the coercive relationship that is food aid, some countries have found alternative strategies to deal with food shortages. One method is an alteration of diet from eating fewer meals each day to consuming less desirable â€Å" famine foods† and selling non-essential assets in order to purchase food (Paarlberg 2010:72).In Food Aid: A cause, or symptom, of development failure, or an instrument for success? Srinivasan asserts that food aid â€Å"blunts incentives for domestic food production and hence increases the probability of long-term dependency on donors; or that by alleviating food shortages, it enables the regime in power to postpone, if not abandon, politically costly economic reforms. † (1993). In line with this assertion comes the proposition to replace traditional food aid with a one-time distribution of farming equipment, livestock, and money in a bid to return people to their previously productive lifestyles.One of the ways in which donors hold power over recipient countries is through Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), promoted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). SAPs are imposed under the guise of assisting countries in bringing their â€Å"nationa l macroeconomic conditions to a place where [they] can benefit from regional and international trade agreements. † (Schanbacher 2010:14). A SAP will require countries to limit their social safety nets and to enter basic necessities such as food, water and land into the private sector.These prescriptions require countries to reduce social safety nets and introduce survival necessities like food, water and land to the commodity market in order to receive the loans they need (Samuelson and Antony 2012:246). These specifications have led to increasing food insecurity, a lack of social protections (namely health care and education) and a widening of class inequality. One manifestation of a lack of food security in a given society may take the form of riots.Food riots are caused by a jump in food prices, which results from crop failure, ineffective storage methods and hoarding (Lang and Heasman 2004:12). In a desperate attempt to obtain nutrients, the public may become desperate and frustrated enough to attack shops, farms and government buildings. In a recent Globe and Mail article entitled Food riots: What creates the anger? Evan Fraser, co-author of the book Empires of Food: Feast, Famine and the Rise and Fall of Civilizations wrote that â€Å"it's the sense of injustice rather than price volatility that ultimately causes the rioting†.In 2011, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, the world’s largest exporter of wheat, ordered over 800,000 tonnes of the grain and stockpiled it in an attempt to avoid civil unrest. His plan failed and infuriated citizens took to the streets in protest (Globe and Mail 2011). If food prices continue to rise at their current rate, we can only assume that the frequency and intensity of foot riots will increase. With profit being the primary goal of most involved in the agricultural system, monocropping has been employed by many of the world’s food producers.As defined by Schanbacher in The Politics of Food (2010: 56), monocropping refers to the practice of growing the same crop year after year without rotation to other crops. This method is economically rewarding for farms as it produces higher yields, allows them to invest in crop-specific equipment and because many governments provide subsidies to farms which utilize this method. By continuously growing a single crop, (namely soybeans, wheat and corn), the land becomes depleted of its nutrients and therefore highly dependent on fertilizers and incapable of supporting vegetative life.Those employing this method often choose to abandon the land after leeching it of its nutrients, as it is less expensive than working to maintain it. Furthermore, just as mortality rates in the Native American population soared after being exposed, by European settlers, to infectious diseases to which they were not immune, monocropping exposes crops to the same situation as they lose their genetic diversity. Take for example the Irish Potato Famine of 1845, whi ch occurred after potatoes were introduced in response to the suffering economy and extremely low wages of the working class.Though originally intended to serve as a supplement, potatoes swiftly became a staple of the Irish diet and when a bacteria travelled to the UK in 1845, the entire crop was wiped out. Over the next three years, one in eight Irish died of starvation, but unfortunately, many of us seem not to have learnt our lesson (Nestle 2007:247). In fact, the US government currently offers substantial subsidies to those farming the primary monocropping products: corn, soybeans and wheat. When discussing public wellbeing in the United States of America, one often references the Food and Drug Administration (FDA).The FDA’s mandate is to promote safety through ensuring that: conventional foods, dietary supplements, and drugs are safe and accurately labeled, and to ensure that drugs have benefits confirmed in clinical trials (Nestle 2007:227). Despite being an American in stitution, the FDA has many international interests and is considered the de facto standard around the world. In 2009, President Barack Obama called the FDA’s failure to inspect more than 95% of food processing plants â€Å"a hazard to public health† (Paarlberg 2010:158).Many members of the general public have called for additional funding to support more complete inspection coverage, which would alleviate the significant pressure that is currently being placed on small and organic farms that cannot compete with their large competitors with ties to the FDA. The Food and Drug Administration is also responsible for researching and publishing information about the safety of different foods. Of particular concern are the potential risks associated with the consumption of Genetically Modified foods.Despite claims that there are no studies showing links between GM foods and health risks, in 1998 the FDA was forced to publicize more than 44,000 internal documents noting links with allergies, toxins, new diseases, anti-biotic resistant diseases, nutritional problems and cancer causing agents (Paarlberg 2010:168). In 1961 the World Health Organization instated the Codex Alimentarius Commission whose purpose was to create international food safety standards, but to this day there are still many dangerous chemicals in use (Lang, Heasman 2004:48).Though guidelines exist to limit the use of chemicals in genetically modified foods, little is done about those used in animal feed and other by-products that are eventually consumed by humans. Due to bioaccumulation, the â€Å"progressive increase in the amount of a substance in an organism or part of an organism which occurs because the rate of intake exceeds the organism’s ability to remove the substance from the body. † the effect of these toxins only increases as the products arrive at the top of the food chain: humans (U. S. Geological Survey: 2007).These pesticides provide a pathway for Persiste nt Organic Pollutants, which we store in our body fat and which have a destructive impact on humans, wildlife, land and water (Lang and Heasman 2004: 225). In fact, POP’s have been linked to everything from cancer to reproductive and birth defects to neurological diseases. Though food producers are expected to follow CDCA (Centre for Disease Control Agency) guidelines, this only protects consumers if they ingest a single portion of an individual item (Lang and Heasman 2004: 226,227).Foods with the highest levels of POP’s include: butter, melons, cucumbers, peanuts, popcorn, spinach and squash (Lang and Heasman 2004:227). This poses a major problem as even if foods are individually within the CDCA guidelines, collectively they pose major risks. With the recent trend towards â€Å"Green Politics†, the amount of pesticides used has decreased and due to biased education the general public has assumed this to mean that our food is safer. Unfortunately, the toxicity o f pesticides used has increased approximately 10-100x since 1975 thus putting consumers at great risk (Lang and Heasman 2004:227).One cannot discuss Genetically Modified foods without referring to the Monsanto Corporation. In 2001, Monsanto was listed as #3 in the world when it came to agrochemical sales and many have labeled it â€Å"the worlds most unethical company† (Nestle 2007:101). They are a world leader in the production of genetically modified foods and they created the highly poisonous herbicide Roundup which is incredibly damaging to both ecology and humans. Unfortunately, Monsanto, and many other companies like them, have taken advantage of their positions of power to bias the public in favour of their products.In a 1999-2000 American Dietetic Association nutrition fact sheet sponsored by Monsanto, they said, â€Å"The U. S. government has a well co-ordinated system to ensure that new agricultural biotechnology products are safe for the environment and to animal and human health† (Nestle 2007:113). Given that the ADA represents the interests of 70,000 nutritionists many see their â€Å"fact sheets† to be trustworthy, but we need to be more wary as many ADA certified nutritionists are in fact employed by companies like the Monsanto Corporation (Nestle 2007:113).In Das Kapital, Karl Marx presents the idea of commodity fetishism; that in a capitalist society, money and commodities are fetishes that inhibit our ability to see the reality of a given situation because we view them as relationships between goods as opposed to a relationship between people. In the case of food security, commodity fetishism prevents people from acknowledging that someone was exploited to produce a given product and that our choices as consumers support this unfair treatment (Thomson 2010:164-166).This purposeful distancing of the owners from their means of production allows them, and as a result, the average consumer, to disengage from the food system. Raj Patel, the author of Stuffed and Starved connects this to one of the three pillars of food security- food accessibility- and says that â€Å"the fantasy of those not willing to pay has removed the need for compassion from food economics, as if to say that it is someone’s choice to go hungry as opposed to their inability to afford or meet the high asking price. . This enables society to believe that â€Å"our choices at the checkout don’t take away the choices of those who grow our food (2008). In Power and Resistance, Sandy Miller discusses the idea of food as inspiration and imperative for social change. She outlines ways in which the food system is failing and some potential solutions. Amongst them, Miller focuses on modification of land use practices, ownership of food infrastructure, accessibility to land, food distribution policy, and alternative food movements.The road is long, and not well travelled, but there is hope for a revolution within our global foo d system and it rests on civil society becoming more educated and thus, engaged. We have to ask questions: Where does our food come from? What is actually in it? What constitutes a healthy diet? We have to change the way people think about food- they have to be the change. Without people standing up, asking questions, and actually practicing what they preach, nothing will change. Though land is widely considered to be a renewable resource, we must examine the veracity of this claim.Land has the capacity to renew itself, but as more infrastructure is built, less cropland is available and as a result that which remains is often exposed to overuse and abuse; as was previously explained in the instance of monocropping. Furthermore, due to this leeching of nutrients from the soil, erosion rates have accelerated to the point where land reformation cannot occur and genetically modified seeds and fertilizers (such as Monsanto’s RoundUp) are being used more prevalently.When crops are grown on land that has been leeched of its nutrients, the produce yielded from there will too be nutrient-weak; one example being genetically modified rice. This rice has vitamin A added to it, however to meet your recommended daily intake of vitamin A, one would need to consume fifty bowls of (Norton 2012). Miller presents the idea of land reserves as an important route in the labyrinth of solutions. A land reserve is a â€Å"zone in which agriculture is recognized as the priority use, [where] farming is encouraged and non-agricultural uses are controlled† (ALC 2012).Miller references one very successful case study; British Columbia’s Agricultural Land Reserve (ALR). The ALR covers almost 5 million hectares of private and public land that may be farmed, forested or vacant and any person or people intending on using this land must plan in accordance with the ALR mandate of preserving agricultural land (Samuelson and Antony 2012:257). Because the primary goal of food pr oducers is profit, they are not concerned with proper land maintenance and, as a result, the nutritional value of their goods.When discussing land, it is essential to consider its accessibility and distribution, as this is a major indicator of who maintains ownership of the food infrastructure. In a 2011 paper released by the United Nations, titled Corruption in the Land Sector, the Food and Agriculture Organizations reported that: Effective and enforceable land governance provides a necessary framework for development and an important defense against many forms of corruption. It supports food security and ensures sustainable livelihoods that are essential for people and countries that rely on land as one of their main economic, social and cultural assets.For example, empirical findings from more than 63 countries show that where corruption in land is less prevalent, it correlates to better development indicators, higher levels of foreign direct investment and increased crop yields. (FAO 2011) A national example of this â€Å"[in]effective and [un]enforceable land governance† can be seen in Ontario where the local food infrastructure has been systematically dismantled by the government as they offer payouts to farmers willing to forgo planting fruit trees in favour of more economically viable options such as real estate investments (FAO 2011).When interviewed, farmers and stakeholders proposed solutions that would â€Å"reframe the food chain from farming to processing to storage, distribution and marketing. † (Samuelson and Antony 2012:258-259). To reach the goal of more equitable distribution of, and access to land, many food movements rely on social justice and well-distributed power. These movements recognize that our current food system is in need of an egalitarian perspective on food infrastructure. Agroecology may be one of the most influential food movements thus far.This movement promotes the potential to create a new way of living in wh ich the presence of humans will not destroy our planet. Samuelson and Antony describe agro ecology as â€Å"a way of thinking in tune with an agricultural ecosystem that tests and solves problems where they arise, in the context of local pests and beneficials, climatic benefits and challenges, and the realities of locally financed and managed farming. †. Among other techniques, agroecology also involves the use of century old farming methods such as crop rotation.Crop rotation involves planting in a multi-year cycle so as to avoid depletion of nutrients, and susceptibility to pests (2012:260). La Via Campesina, a peasant organization, is dedicated to promoting food sovereignty through the use of natural resources and support of domestic markets. Canada’s National Farmer’s Union constitutes one group which makes up the 150 million members from 69 different countries. La Via Campesina’s mandate is to grant membership solely to peasants (representatives of l arge corporations are not welcome) and to ensure that power remains within the hands of the majority (Samuelson and Antony 2012:259).Another alternative to supporting these large corporations, The Farm-to-Community Movement, is presented in Food Politics: How the Food Industry Influences Nutrition and Health: â€Å"this category aims to connect farmers to local communities through farmers’ markets, community supported agriculture (customers pay farmers in advance for seasonal produce), and programs that link farmers to schools, restaurants, and other institutions. † (Nestle 2007:x). Community gardens are another popular strategy that can help provide safe and nutritious food while simultaneously supporting local infrastructure.A community garden is a local plot of land worked on by a group of people who share the work, as well as the crops. In this process food is not fetishized as a commodity, instead creating an alternative to capitalism as well as providing the bene fit of healthy, local, and organic food. Acadia University features a community garden, allowing for students and community members to have the opportunity to grow their own crops. In addition to splitting the yield amongst its members, the garden supplies food to the Wheelock dining hall, along with Wolfville’s local food bank.Many have created community gardens in what space they have in their own backyards and most of these gardens function as charities. This allows people living in poverty the opportunity to eat local and organic food they may otherwise be unable to afford thus bolstering all three pillars of food security: accessibility, availability and food use. The presence of community gardens is one aspect of food relocalization; a movement which focuses on eating, growing and distributing locally as a means of lowering carbon emissions (due to shorter travel time) and of stimulating the local economy.Relocalization focuses on advocating changes in scale, ownership, and relationships from one end of the supply chain to the other. This practice is employed by communities around the world who harvest enough food to sustain themselves, but do not produce for profit. This process is concerned with feeding all members of the given community, and is considered an effective means of eradicating poverty. In 2007, chef and restaurateur Jamie Oliver founded the Pass It On food movement, which encourages healthy eating, habits through a method of education, which promotes exponential growth in its followers.His inspiration came from the British Ministry of Food’s attempt to manage food shortages by educating the public about proper nutrition during World War II (Oliver 2009:8). With this in mind, he formed his own radical movement in an effort to raise awareness and incite action to help solve the food crisis. In 2010, the largest killers in America were diet-related diseases (TEDTalks 2010). This is the fuel behind the movement’s transfer to the United States, more specifically, Huntington Beach, Virginia – the fattest town in America (Oliver 2009).He was met with widespread criticism and a general lack of acceptance due to his harsh critique of the American school system. Oliver suggests a weekly session, 30-60 minutes, to educate children on nutrition and healthy meal options (TEDTalks 2010). This solution would be both easy to implement and inexpensive, meaning the government would not have to cut any presently funded programs in order to reallocate finances. Oliver also suggests introducing food ambassadors into local supermarkets.These ambassadors would be tasked with showing consumers what to buy, how to read labels, and how to cook quick and healthy meals (TEDTalks 2010). The costs of such an initiative would be borne by either the corporations who own products sold in the supermarket or the supermarket itself. Oliver believes that â€Å"big corporations need to put food education on the top of their p riority list, and at the heart of their businesses† because a large part of change lies in their hands (TEDTalks 2010). They have a corporate responsibility to provide a new, fresh standard of food, and we, as consumers must hold them accountable.While it may feel like there is no way to avoid being failed by the food system, there is a solution to the problem that you can implement on your own, without the need to influence others. There are many publications released each year, discussing what constitutes healthy eating, but there is one that supersedes the other in terms of influencing the eating choices of the average Canadian citizen; Canada’s Food Guide. Canada’s Food Guide was overhauled in 2007, and renamed Eating Well with Canada’s Food Guide (Health Canada 2011).While the majority of the Canadian population, including schools and other public institutions, use this guide when planning meals they have little to no understanding as to how this guid e was developed. The Food Expert Advisory Committee conducted the redesign of the guide in 2007, with members appointed by Health Canada (Health Canada 2011). One would assume that the members of this committee would be physicians and nutritionists that had a keen interest in the betterment of our heath; that they would be using their knowledge for good.A closer examination of the members of this committee uncovers the contrary; that many of the members have a strong conflict of interests. Paul Paquin held the position of chair at the time of the 2007 Food Guide revisions, while simultaneously acting as vice-president of the International Dairy Federation (Health Canada 2012). Paquin is not alone in holding a conflicting position while on the Food Expert Advisory Committee. Also advocating for the dairy industry is committee member Dr.Mansel Griffiths, who is concurrently on the Expert Scientific Advisory Committee for Dairy Farmers of Canada (Health Canada 2012). With our Food Guid e in the hands of such individuals, is it any wonder that dairy has it’s own distinct category in our Food Guide? Separate from the interests of these members of the committee, there is also the issue of meat in Canada’s food guide. In 2011, Harvard University released a study on the effects of red meat, disclosing that consumption leads to an increase of death due to cancer and heart disease, as well to an overall risk of death (Harvard School of Public Health 2012).The study detailed that one daily serving of unprocessed meat increased the overall risk of mortality by 13%, while the same serving of processed meat increased the risk by 20% (Harvard School of Public Health 2012). This then begs the question of why it is so ingrained in the minds of civil society that we â€Å"need† animal protein to survive? Despite these findings being published by a well-respected institution, Canada’s Food Guide continues to recommend two daily servings of meat for adu lt females and three for adult males (Health Canada 2007).They also suggest eating two servings of fish a week, and choosing lower sodium luncheon (processed) meat products (Health Canada 2007). Providing that an individual does eat two servings of fish a week that leaves 12-19 servings available for the consumption of red meat. Canada’s Food Guide fails to reflect these well-researched findings because they are not in the best interest of the one-percent. Cattle farming, both for dairy and beef are lucrative industries in Canada, and they share close ties with the ruling class.The government is invested in protecting the presently established capitalist environment, that of bottom lines and the best interests of the minority- capitalist corporations- and in doing so is harming the majority- it’s citizens. As has been shown in this report, food security is part and parcel of a larger cycle of social problems. In Power and Resistance, Antony and Samuelson present some o f the issues which are both affected by and effect the matter of food security: persistent poverty in Canada, Indian residential schools, and the global economic crisis.Though not comparable to many developing countries around the world, it is essential to note that food insecurity does exist in developed countries such as Canada. In the 2007-2008 census it was reported that 7. 2% of Canadians were living in households that were food insecure (Health Canada). A primary contributing factor to the inability of Canadians to access food is its high cost. In 2012, Dieticians of Canada released the report The Cost of Eating in BC 2011 which drew attention to the fact that many British Columbians don’t have the resources to afford nutritious food.This is due, in large part, to the significant rise in food and shelter costs and the unchanged welfare rates (Dietitians Canada). In essence, people are not earning any more but their costs are rising meaning they cannot afford what Food S ecure Canada calls â€Å"safe food†: nourishing foods being readily at hand and the restriction of unhealthy products. One of the most impoverished groups in Canada is our Aboriginal community and as was presented, much of the school-age population was forced into residential schools up until 1998 when the last band school was dismantled.In these residential schools, food accessibility was of major concern as poor nutrition and the withholding of food were used as a means of control and suppression. Even after the closure of these institutions, the aboriginal community is continuing to feel the effects of its government’s exploitation. A 2010 study from the University of Western Ontario found that parental residential school attendance had a positive correlation with experiencing food insecurity, and that food insecurity was negatively correlated with doing well in school. In Health Canada’s 2007-2008 report on Household Food Insecurity, 20. % of Aboriginals wer e found to be living in food insecure households- this is 3 times higher than the non-Aboriginal households. â€Å"The global financial and economic crisis has pushed an additional 100 million people into hunger in 2009, bringing the overall number of undernourished people in the world to over one billion. † (FAO). The current crisis shadowed the climbing price of food and significantly limited food accessibility worldwide. In 2009, domestic staple foods in developing countries cost approximately 20% more than they did in 2007 (FAO).In order to deal with food insecurity, which directly threatens development, many households have been forced to implement negative coping strategies such as: selling of assets, becoming trapped in debt, withdrawing children from school, illegal activities, and forced migration. Furthermore, with the simultaneous decline in income and rise in food costs, individuals often reduce spending on â€Å"safe food†- primarily meat, dairy products, fruits and vegetables. What is clear from these examples is that there is a pervasive interconnectedness and that in order to make progress, multi-faceted and situation-appropriate approaches must be developed.To conclude, while it is easy to fall into the â€Å"traps† that result in the exploitative relationship between multinational producers and consumers, there are other options. The current food system is laden with large organizations that take advantage of limited consumer knowledge combined with government partnerships. This pairing allows for consumer knowledge to stay at a level where they can be easily exploited, demonstrating that the government is a key player in the continued failure of the food system in the eyes of their own citizens. All is not lost, as there are ways that individual consumers can mitigate the ffects that this failure has on them. The solution is for consumers and other members of the bullied group to look out for their own interests. Having the maximum control and knowledge about what is going in your body is paramount. Eating locally allows for the greatest possible understanding of the narrative of a given good before it reaches your plate. Be an informed citizen: do research on the issues that affect your wellbeing, do not let power equal credibility, trust no one and question everything. 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